Mundari Grammar

,, ,1 •

MUNDARI GRAMMAR

The Eevd. J. HOFFMANN, s.J ,

CATHOLIC MISSION, CHOTA NAGPUR.

OALOTJTTA:

BENGAL SECRETARIAT PRESS,

■Indian, Bs. 4; English, 6s.]

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Mimdari vowels and consonants
Article— definite and indefinite
Gender

Number — Grammatical • «

Formation of— . * . *

Demonstratives— I. — Definite .

II. — Indefinite

I II. — Interrogative . .

Pronouns— I.— Simple personal «

II. — Emphatic personal
HI.— Definite demonstrative

IV. — Indefinite » • «

V. — Definite interrogative .

VI. — Indefinite interrogative
Postpositions . . ...

Numerals— I* — Cardinal . « .

IT.— Distributive .

III. — Ordinal . . .

IV. — Proportional • «

Adverbs — * t I* — Of place . « «

II.— Of quantity , . •

III. — Of manner ,

IV. —Of time .

Conjunctions

Interjections

Emphatic, dubitative and corrective suffixes .

PART II.

Equivalents of declenisons • .

Possessive adjectives and their suffixes
Possessive pronouns ....
Adjectives . . * * *

Degrees of comparison . . .

PART III.

Equivalents of eonjugational forms •
Voice..' . ;» : *

Mood

Tenses ...

Passive voice . • • « <

Reflexive voice .

Reciprocal voice * • *

Origin ..'and; meaning of tense • suffixes
Imperative mood . « .

Precative, concessive or optative <
Formation of compounds , «

CONTENTS-

i ' : ‘

■; Jjr .-.V. JL

part iv.

Subordinate clauses, relative ^ cnditional, etc, *
Examples and idioms • * * * a

APPENDIX.

I.— The Azur legend with a literal translation.

II Description of cultivation and of the Mundas’ ordinary day' work,

Munda.

TIL— Specimen of a Mundari story.

ALPHABETICAL INDEX OF CONTENTS.

, » 201
, 215

as written by a

AN INTRODUCTION

SHOWING THE STRUCTURAL OUTLINES OF MuNDABX AND POINTING

OUT THE MORE STRIKING DIFFERENCES BETWEEN KHOLARIAN

and Aryan languages.

Mundari, Santhali, and Ho are the chief among the surviving
Kholarian dialects. They do not differ much from each other. The
Koroas, Abuts, and Birhors, as well as some other numerically insigni-
ficant tribes, also speak Kholarian dialects,

Mundari is chiefly spoken in the southern and western parts of the
Ranchi district and in the north of Singhbhum.

The terms Munda and Mundari are used by foreigners only to
designate the Kholarians of the Ranchi district and their language.

The Mxrndas call themselves Horoho : the Men , and their language,
Horo Raji : the Man-language, or simply Boro. Mundari is a Hindi
and English Adjective which is never used by the Miindas themselves.
With them the word Munda means a landed proprietor or a rich
man. Again, every Munda village is divided into two hhunts or
classes — the Munda hhunt and the Pahanr Ichunt* The head of the
Munda hhunt is the civil chief of the village, whereas the head of the
Pahanr hhunt is the religious chief or saerificer. Hence in Mundari
the word Munda is used (1) to distinguish landed proprietors from
mere tenants or raiyats ; (2) to denote the village chief ; (8) to distin-
guish the members of the Munda hhunt from those of the Pahanr
hhunt t

The vocabulary and especially the structure of Kholarian dialects
show that these languages are by no means as closely related to the
Dmvidian languages as they have, by some writers, been supposed to be,
nor do they seem to stand closer, genealogically speaking, to any of
the other non- Aryan languages of India. Until comparative philology
has accomplished for that vast number of non-Aryan and non-Semitic
languages what it has done for the Aryan and Semitic families, it will
hardly be possible to ascertain the exact genealogical position ofKlio-
larian speech.

From the purely morphological or structural point of view, the ease is-
of course quite different, for the grammar of any language shows at
once to what class or group it belongs.

a 1

n

INTRODUCTION.

iiPiWi

mmm

Morphologically languages are divisible into three great groups—
the Isolating , the Agglutinative , and the Organic or Flexiona
language .

In an Isolating language (Chinese) every root constitutes a complete
word with a meaning of its own, and undergoes no phonetic change
when in contact with other roots : hence complex ideas, such, v. gr., as
are signified by the various forms of our declensions and conjugations,
are here expressed by the mere juxtaposition of perfectly independent
roots. Consequently a different arrangement or grouping of the same
unaltered and unalterable elements will yield phrases and propositions
of totally different meanings.

Organic languages.— (1) In these the current words are no longer hare
original roots. Even such monosyllables as the Latin word lex cr the
English law are compounds of at least two original roots.

(2) In these compounds there is no such thing as mere juxtaposition
of independent roots, but there is a real subordination of one or
more secondary roots to one primary root. The primary root denotes
a certain general idea, and the secondary roots are grouped
around it according to fixed laws and subordinated to it for
the purpose of variously specifying or modifying that general idea.
Hence these secondary roots are also called the formative elements.

Thus in lex. legislator, eligo , praelego , -s, islator, e, -o, pra-o are so
many formative elements which determine the de facto meaning of one
and the same primary root fee. They are in a real subordination to the
primary root, for we cannot change their position in any of the above
words without destroying it as a Latin word: lec-s is a Latin word,
whereas s-lec means nothing any more.

(3) The roots thus concurring to form words react on each other
according to fixed phonetic laws, so that both the primary as well as the
secondary roots become liable to changes in their original form. These
changes are visible not only through the different languages of the
same family, but also in the various forms of a given compound in the
same language. Ofr., lex , loi, law , lego, lire, lisant, lu. In all of these
the original primary root is lee.

(4) In the secondary roots especially the changes caused by the
phonetic laws are so great that the original form of these roots is
generally quite mutilated. They dwindle down to mere terminations,
inflexions or vowel and consonantal changes, which have no longer
any meaning at till if detached from the word they concurred to form.

MUNDAHI AH AGGLUTINATIVE LANGUAGE. Ill

Cfi\ 9 the Case-endings of Nouns and the Personal pronominal desinences
of Verbs, and in fact nearly all the formative elements of Organic words.
It even happens that some secondary roots disappear entirely from a
compound, although the particular function for which they were
originally affixed to a primary root still continues to live. Thus lego
still means 1 read, yet there is no trace of a personal pronominal desin-
ence left in lego. The phonetic laws presiding over the formation of
Organic words, and therefore over the whole development or growth of
Organic languages, constantly tend to weaken strong forms and
to grind down formative elements. The effect of this tendency is
generally called phonetic decay . Hence we say that the phonetic
interdependence of the component elements must always leave full
play to the phonetic decay of primary as well as secondary roots
through the various branches of the same family. Organic words may
therefore in a certain sense bo called real combinations of originally
distinct complete roots into a new totum > even as distinct atoms com**
bine to form molecules. Though these roots be really in the com-
bination or compound word as far as their functions are concerned, yet
their original forms can no longer be ascertained without the aid of
philological analysis. '

The Agglutinative languages stand midway between the Isolating
and the Organic groups.

(1) In these, as in the Isolating languages, bare roots may be
complete words.

(2) But when it becomes necessary to use two or several roots
together for the purpose of expressing a complex idea, then these
languages adopt a process differing from that used by either the
Organic or the Isolating language: the roots concurring to form
a word are neither completely independent of each other nor yet
so interdependent as to phonetically react on each other to any great
extent . In other words, there is neither mere co-ordination of
completely independent roots nor is there such a degree of mutual
dependence as to produce a reciprocal reaction with its consequent
blending as it were of various elements into one organic whole.
But there is, in these compound words, an attraction exercised
by the primary on the secondary roots. The latter stand to the pri-
mary root in the relation of prefixes or suffixes ox infixes. These secon-
dary roots, to accommodate themselves to the primary, will submit to
some vowel or consonant changes, or even to partial mutilation. But

INTRODUCTION *

they seem to do so only reluctantly, and as if trying to preserve their
original form as far as possible. The primary root, however, sacri-
fices nothing to the secondary roots. It always preserves its original
form intact. The following may serve to illustrate this : — dal is a
bare root meaning to strike ; dak me ! do strike ! dal- tanae : he strikes ;
sM-kedae : he struck ; dal- oae : he will be struck ; da^-entanae : he strikes
himself ; d<?/-keni: the one who struck. In these languages, therefore,
phonetic decay is restricted to the secondary roots. They left the Iso-
lating stage the moment they began that incipient subordination of
secondary to primary roots, which has just been described. They begin
to enter the Organic stage the moment they allow the secondary roots
to react phonetically on the primary root. There is little if any douht
that the Organic languages have passed through the Agglutinative
stage. By far the greater number of the world’s languages are still
in this stage. Their one common feature is the preservation of the
form of -primary roots. In many other respects they differ widely
from each other. Thus, in some the secondary roots are for the most
part prefixes, whilst in others they are suffixes ; in some the secondary
roots undergo comparatively strong changes, whilst in others they
hardly suffer any change ; in some the so-called law of the harmony of
vowels reigns supreme, whereas in others we hardly find any traces of
it ; in some the order of words in the proposition is the reverse of
what it is in others ; in some, again, Parts of Speech are recognisable as
such by some permanent prefix, suffix or infix, whereas in others the
context in which a bare root occurs, will alone show what function the
word actually performs iu a given proposition. In a word, some
Agglutinative languages approach more closely to the Organic stage,
whilst others are still far removed from it.

The Kholarian dialects, though now spoken only by a few numeri-
cally insignificant tribes, are in several respects a very interesting and
remarkable specimen of the Agglutinative group.

Before entering on the details of Mundari Grammar, I thfnfr it
advisable to first describe the great outlines of the language. This will
show that neither the method nor the whole of the terminology of
Organic grammars can be applied successfully to Mundari, or, for the
matter of that, to any Agglutinative language.

DUMBER AND KIND OF MUNDARI WORDS,

II tlio Kholarians had, before the Aryan invasion, attained any
civilisation worth the name, traces of that civilisation would no doubt
be met with in their language. However, both the number and kind
of Mundari words, as well as the manner in which those words are
handled, seem to show that neither civilisation nor intellectual activity
have so far exercised any marked influence on the language.

Number and kind of Mundari words.

Ever since the Mimdas retreated before the Aryan invaders into
the forests of the Chota Nagpur plateau, they have lived in the most
rigorous seclusion. A deep aversion for their former conquerors con-
stantly repelled all that civilisation and thought which have existed
for centuries around them among the Hindu and Mussulman popu-
lations. Though they live in the land which is reputed the birth-place
of the art of writing, their language as well as that of other Kholarians
remained unwritten and altogether unknown beyond the limits of the
small woody mountainous tracts they occupied. It was only towards the
second half of the last century that Mundari and Sonthali were written
by Missionaries, —the one in Hindi and the other in Bengali charac-
ters. Even at the present day the Mimdas generally disdain every trade
or art. That they were once keen hunters maybe inferred from the obli-
gatory yearly hunts in which every boy and grown-up man of the village
must join if he wants his name to be remembered by the Singbonga (Sun-
god), as well as from the era senckra (the women’s hunt), which is pro-
claimed after stated cycles of years. In this era senckra the women don
the men’s clothes, and carrying the men’s arms raid the neighbouring
villages. Any goats, sheep, pigs or fowls they meet outside the houses
on that occasion are their legitimate prey, if they succeed in cutting
them down. The Mundas still prefer the forest to the cultivated
country. To carry on a cultivation of the most rudimentary kind in
clearances made by themselves, and lead an idle, improvident life
cheered by nightly dances to the sound of the dummig (a deep-toned
drum), and by as much intoxicating rice-beer as they can procure, seems
to be their highest ideal of life. Hence names of trades, products, and
implements belonging to a somewhat advanced culture are not to be
met with in the purely Mundari vocabulary. Their list of words
denoting concrete objects is therefore exhausted by that part of the
fauna and flora which interests the hunter and tiller, and by names of
places, objects, and implements of practical value and use in a life of

INTRODUCTION.

the simplest hind. Even the rudimentary plough now in common use
has got a Hindi name.

The number of words exclusively denoting forms of activity, such
as our Verbs and certain of our Abstract Nouns, is by no means as large
as we might expect it to be. For (1) all such forms of activity as
belong exclusively to a higher culture have no names in Mundari, for
the simple reason that they are unknown. (2) Purely intellectual
forms of activity have received but scanty attention, and even that
little throws a peculiar light on the pleasure they would seem to take
in the exercise of our noblest faculties. Urii denotes sadness and
It means also to he sad, to be gloomy. At the same time it

NUMBER AND KIND OF MXJKDAEI -WORDS.

vii

Sing-bonga is conceived as essentially kind and good. He is entitled to
a daily cult or adoration, which consists in a respectful greeting every
mnrning at sunrise. I have heard the complaint that in these days of
legal strife and coolie-trade the Mundas have become very remiss in this
practice. The s oka or soothsayer advises occasionally to sacrifice a
fowl or a goat to Sing-bonga. Those fowls or goats must he white.
That the Sing-bonga is conceived as personal and as distinct from the
orb of the sun appears from the following points of belief still com-
mon among the Mundas : (1) He has made the sun as well as every-
thing else; (2) He is invisible; (3) Though believed to be chieflyresiding
in the sun, he is everywhere— “ in the four corners of the world and in the
four worlds ;” (4) He directs everything ; (5) He is the Maranguterni,
i.e., the utterly great or the supreme one ; { 6) All the other bongas are
not only inferior to him, but they have been made bongas by him; (7)
In great misfortunes the first instinctive complaint is generally addressed
to him: Bela Sing-bonga ! CMhanamentem mkaj&ina ? Hela Singbonga !
Why dost thou treat me thus ? (8) In solemn asseverations he is called
on as a witness by the words : Hani Ulj&iha ! or Hani ituamef Yonder
One sees me ! or Yonder One knows ! (9) "When the cause of some
sickness is enquired into by the soka or denonran (soothsayer), the
Sing-bonga is first called upon as the All-hnowing to reveal the name of
the particular bonga who requires propitiation.

If.— Ancestor-worship. — This is still deeply rooted in the Kholarian
mind. It seems to be a cult they brought with them when they
retreated into Ohota Nagpur and the adjacent hilly tracts, and one
which they probably had already when they entered India. The fact
that the present system of private and public sacrifices to the local
deities or bongas has pushed ancestor- worship somewhat to the back-

ground and reduced it almost entirely to a domestic cult has caused the
notices so far written about these tribes to under-estimate or overlook
altogether this distinctly Kholarian cult.

The Mundas say that formerly they burnt their dead, but that now
they have adopted the practice of burying from their Christian fellow-
Mundas. The first disposal of dead bodies is, as it were, only provisional
and outside the religious observance; for they have a special burial
feast once a year, which is called Jang-topa, — Burial of hones. After
burning a body the remaining hones were gathered into a small earthen
vessel and kept in the ading. The oiling is a side-room in the hut or
house, in which the spirits of the deceased are believed to reside. It is
also used as a store-room. On the Jang-topa feast these hones are with

3 N TROBXJ OTIO N *

viii

some ceremonies placed under the horizontal stone-slabs, which are inva-
riably met with in or near every Munda village. If the deceased were
first buried, then either some bones are dug out or some earth is taken
from the recent grave and placed similarly under the slabs at the
Jang4bpa feast. On that day all the villagers, though they may not
have any remains to dispose of that year, turnout and anoint the
burial slabs with oil in honour of their ancestors. Those stone slabs
are called sasan-diri. Members of the village family who may have
settled in other villages as mere tenants bury their dead provisionally
in their actual place of residence. But on the Jang-topa day they
carry the remains to their ancestral village to be there placed under
the common sasandms ♦ It is only when emigrants have acquired
land enough to found a separate hamlet or village that they will
place slabs in their new home and observe* the yearly burial day
there. In honour of prominent men, and, as I have been told, in
memory of some people who have been carried , off by tigers, upright
stone slabs of sometimes considerable height are erected in or near the
village. These are called bkV-din^

The sasan-diris are not only religious monuments : they serve,
also as proofs of membership in the village family, and therefore as a
sort of title-deed to partnership in the village property. Hence the
saying: Sasandiriko Mundalmi pat a, —The burial slabs are the Mundas r
title-deeds. None but a real or formally-adopted member of the
village family would ever be allowed to phce a sasan-diri in the village
Bemains of children who have died before the age of reason are
buried under some tree near the village and left there. Women
dying in child-birth are buried as far away as possible from the
village, near some stream. They are believed to turn into ghosts,
called churin, who always want to come back and haunt the house*
To prevent them from doing so, long thorns are driven into the soles
of their feet just before tbe burial. All other members of the village
family, whether men, women or children, receive the customary burial
honours, are accounted among the Ancestors, Haramko ? and have a
share in the Ancestor-worship.

Some, two or three days after the death of any person entitled to
Ancestor-worship, the rite of recalling the deceased’s soul or spirit to
the house is performed. This rite is called Umbul-adcr, — The talcing or
bringing in of the shade . The ceremonies are briefly as follows: —

In the evening two persons remaining in the house of the deceased
place some food in a leaf- cup, strew the floor with ashes, and then close

NUMBER AND KIND OF MUNDARI WORDS*

IX

the house-door. Meanwhile the villagers go to the plaoe where the
deceased was burnt or lies buried. There on© man addresses the shade
or spirit of deceased as follows : “ Here we have come to call thee hack
to the house ; thou hast now been long enough in the chill and the
cold 1 ” A silent procession is then formed towards the house. During
the progress two ploughshares are at short intervals struck against each
other. Arrived at the house, the speaker, on behalf of the shade, asks
that the door he opened to him, A short dialogue ensues, during
which the two persons inside express misgivings regarding the inten-
tions and character of him who seeks admission. When the shade has
satisfied them the door is opened. Then the floor and the leaf -cup
are examined. The slightest trace of real or imaginary disturbance in
the ashes on the floor or the food in the leaf -cup is considered as a
proof that i he shade has taken his abode permanently in the ading with
the ancestors , If no traces at all can be found, the whole process is
gone through a second and sometimes even a third time. If after
that no real or imaginary traces are found, they resign themselves, say-
ing that the shade must he dissatisfied with something or another, and
has probably taken up his abode, in some tree or stone.

These shades are often called Ord-bongako, house spirits* Non© of
the other bon gas (local deities) ever enter a Munda’s house.

Like the Singhonga , the Ora-bongako or shades of the ancestors, ar©
entitled to a daily cult . Before every meal the Hundas drop a few
grains of rice on the ground as an offering to the Ord*bongako .
Similarly, a few drops of rice-beer must be allotted to the shades before
th© living put the cup to their own lips.

Besides this there is every year a special feast in honour of the
ancestors, viz., the Ba-parob or Flower feast, It is preceded by a vigil,
which is a strict fast-day. On the feast itself the head of the family
offers a sacrifice of fish, pulse, and fine rice to the shades in the ading.
He alone partakes of the dainty meal ; then sticking a sal-tree blossom
over his ear he turns to the family and says : Mar nddo bdanps ! Wow
then adorn yourselves with flowers ! Immediately everybody stick?
sal-tree blossoms in his hair; garlands of the same- flowers are
hung about the house, and the feast commences with banqueting and
winds up with a dance, which lasts the whole night through. #

The Ora-bongako are also believed to cause in others (chiefly) that
particular sickness of which they themselves died. The sacrifices ol
propitiation consist of cooked rice, pulse, fish, flowers, a black fowl, or
red goat, and sometimes a bullock. This last item shows that the

X

INTRODUCTION.

shades of the Mundas have not allowed themselves to be Uinchmed out
of their taste for cow-flesh. All the local deities, except the Baranda
Burn Bonga , a Mahali deity, do not accept offerings of cow-flesh.

Munda girls always marry out of their village in another kill. Now
it happens sometimes that one of her own Ordbongako follows heron
the road to her new home, and staying somewhere on that road causes
the newly-married person to get frequently sick until she with her hus-
band returns some evening along that road and there at some spot both
offer a sacrifice, asking that particular shade to return home and leave
the girl unmolested. Such shades are called Horatenhod bonga^ -Spirits
of those who wander, i.e., leave home.

III.— The local deities .

(1) The Nage erako , the wives of the Mages or Azure. — The myth
relating to the origin of these bongas is given in an appendix. It is
strongly tinged with Hindu notions. The cade of the birds, the term
bejait for outcast , the exclusion of cows and bullocks from the list of
sacrificial animals, the incarnation of Singbonga, the introduction of a
wife of Singbonga, and the division of the village family into a civil
and sacerdotal class, viz., Munda-Khunt and Pahanr-Ehunt, are so
many distinct Hindu features. Hinduism has, nevertheless, been unable
to destroy or even deeply modify the original Kholarian religion, and
it has had practically no influence on their social system: that female
Singbonga of the legend has never succeeded in getting any official
recognition. Not only has she no trace of a cult, but she has not even
got a name. She exists only in that one passage of the Azur legend.
The division of the village into a civil and sacerdotal Khunt , though
accepted, is in no respect either as deep or as thoroughgoing as it is in
the Brahmanic system; for it creates neither social nor religious
privileges. There is absolutely no trace of caste-distinctions or social
exclusiveness between Mundas and Pahanrs. The marriage law rests
still exclusively on the original custom of not marrying within one's own
kilt ; nor axe there any sacred lands allotted to the Pahanrs on the
ground of their sacerdotal character. "Whatever lands they hold are
theirs simply by the ordinary Munda law of inheritance. Again* the
man who is now Pahanr may, on account of circumstances, become Munda
and vice versa* Sometimes one and the same person is both Munda
and Pahanr, It is only in villages from which the Mundas have been
crowded out by Uraons or Hinduized aborigines that the superstition
of the new owners tries to retain a Pahanr of the Munda race, because
they believe them moie able to propitiate the local deities. In such

KtJMBEE AND KIND OF MUNDAKt WOBDS* . xi

villages a special grant of lands, going by various names, is mad© to the
Pahanr. In purely Mundari villages the patriarchal system is still in
full force, viz., the head of each family is the high priest or sacrificer for
all the needs of the family. The work of the Pahanr as such is limited
to a few public sacrifices on behalf of the whole village at fixed
periods or festivals.

Though the bongas are stated by the legend to have been the
women-folk of the exterminated Azurs, they are not now considered
as female deities : they are simple long as or spirits . Finally, the word
Doisa Nagar stamps the legend as comparatively recent.

These local deities are not entitled to a daily worship like the
Singbonga and the Shades of the Ancestors . Their cult consists of eight
public sacrifices offered by the Pahanr for the success of the ploughing,
sowing, weeding, reaping and threshing operations, for a successful
hunt in the month of Phcigun (February-March), and to celebrate a
particularly unclean festival called Mage-parol ( J anuary-February) ,

Besides these public sacrifices, the head of a family afflicted with
sickness offers an occasional propitiatory sacrifice to some particular
honga , who is either suspected by himself or pointed out by the solca as
the cause of the sickness.

(2) The Baranda Bum honga. — This is a deity of the Mabali
tribe. He lias no feast. Recourse is had to him only in cases of
child-birth. Unlike the preceding class of bongas , he accepts sacrifices
of bullocks.

(3) The Pangruahonga . — Though supposed to reside in a pond
caused by a waterfall near the Pangrua village, some 12 miles south
of Khunti, he has no cult among the Mundas except in the three
villages closest to his residence. But the Larka Khols of Kholan
worship him.

(4) The Aim Disum honga or Disum honga.— -He has no feast and
no worship among the Mundas, but is considered a spirit who stuck to
the country even after the above-mentioned local deities had occupied it.

The Karam-Eahani , or the story of Karma and Dharma , though
given sometimes as a Mundari legend, is unknown to those Mundas who
live still secluded from other races ; so are the rites and sacrifices based
on that story. The Karam is the principal religious feast of what appear
to be Hinduised aborigines and of the Uraons. No Mundas, except
those who live scattered among other tribes, observe the Karam feast.

The word ondoha signifies a minister of human sacrifices. These
ondohas are supposed to be chiefly emissaries of wealthy Hindu,

INTRODUCTION.

shades of the Mundas have not allowed themselves to be Hinduhed out
of their taste for cow-flesh. All the local deities, except the Baranda
Bum Boncja , a Mahali deity, do not accept offerings of cow-flesh,

Mirnda girls always marry out of their village in another Mlk Now
it happens sometimes that one of her own Ordbongako follows her on
the road to her new home, and staying somewhere on that road causes
the newly-married person to get frequently sick until she with her hus-
band returns some evening along that road and there at some spot both
offer a sacrifice, asking that particular shade to return home and leave
the girl unmolested. Such shades are called H oratenkod bonga^ -Spirits
of those who wander, *.<?., leave home.

HI . — The local deities .

(1) The Nage erako , the wives of the Mages or Azurs * — The myth
relating to the origin of these bongas is given in an appendix. It is
strongly tinged with Hindu notions. The cade of the birds, the term
bejait fox outcast , the exclusion of cows and bullocks from the list of
sacrificial animals, the mcarnation of Singbonga, the introduction of a
wife of Singbonga, and the division of the village family into a civil
and sacerdotal class, -viz., Munda-Khunt and Pahanr-Ehunt, are so
many distinct Hindu features, Hinduism has, nevertheless, been unable
to destroy or even deeply modify the original Eholarian religion, and
it has had practically no influence on their social system : that female
Singbonga of the legend has never succeeded in getting any official
recognition. Not only has she no trace of a cult, but she has not even
got a name. She exists only in that one passage of the Azur legend.
The division of the village into a civil and sacerdotal Klnmt , though
accepted, is in no respect either as deep or as thoroughgoing as it is in
the Brahmanic system; for it creates neither social nor religious
privileges. There is absolutely no trace of caste-distinctions or social
exclusiveness between Mundas and Pahanrs, The marriage law rests
still exclusively on the original custom of not marrying within one’s own
MU ; nor are there any sacred lands allotted to the Pahanrs on the
ground of their sacerdotal character. Whatever lands they hold are
theirs simply by the ordinary Munda law of inheritance. Again, the
man who is now Pahanr may, on account of circumstances, become Munda
and vice versa* Sometimes one and the same person is both Munda
and Pahanr. It is only in villages from which the Mundas have been
crowded out by Uraons or Hinduized aborigines that the superstition
of the new owners tries to retain a Pahanr of the Munda race, because
they believe them xnoie able to propitiate the local deities. In such

NUMBER AND KIND OF MUNDARI WORDS* . xi

villages a special grant of lands, going by various names, is mad© to the
Pahanr. In purely Mundari villages the patriarchal system is still in
full force, viz., the head of each family is the high priest or sacrificer for
all the needs of the family* The work of the Pahanr as such is limited
to a few public sacrifices on behalf of the whole village at fixed
periods or festivals.

Though the hongas are stated by the legend to have been the
women-folk of the exterminated Azure, they are not now considered
as female deities : they are simple bcngas or spirits * Finally, the word
Doha Nagcir stamps the legend as comparatively recent.

These local deities are not entitled to a daily worship like the
Singbonga and the Shades of the Ancestors. Their cult consists of eight
public sacrifices offered by the Pahanr for the success of the ploughing,
sowing, weeding, reaping and threshing operations, for a successful
hunt in the month of Phagun (February-March) , and to celebrate a
particularly unclean festival called Mage -parol ( J anuary-February) .

Besides these public sacrifices, the head of a family afflicted with
sickness offers an occasional propitiatory sacrifice to some particular
bonga , who is either suspected by himself or pointed out by the soka as
the cause of the sickness.

(2) The Baranda Bum bonga*— This is a deity of the Mahali
tribe. He has no feast. Recourse is had to him only in cases of
child-birth. Unlike the preceding class of bongas , he accepts sacrifices
of bullocks.

(3) The Pangruabonga . — Though supposed to reside in a pond
caused by a waterfall near the Pangrua village, some 12 miles south
of Khunti, he has no cult among the Mundas except in the three
villages closest to his residence. But the Larka Khols of Kholan
worship him.

(4) The Aim Disum bonga or Disum bonga* — He has no feast and
no worship among the Mundas, but is considered a spirit who stuck to
the country even after the above-mentioned local deities had occupied it.

The KaramMahani, or the story of Karma and Pharma, though
given sometimes as a Mundari legend, is unknown to those Mundas who
live still secluded from other races ; so are the rites and sacrifices based
on that story. The Karam is the principal religious feast of what appear
to be Hinduised aborigines and of the Uraons. No Mundas, except
those who live scattered among other tribes, observe the Kar am feast.

The word ondoka signifies a minister of human sacrifices. These
ondokas are supposed to be .chiefly emissaries of wealthy Hindu.

INTRODUCTION.

*11

zami&dars. It is said, however, that certain Mundas, Uraons, and others
do not shrink from occasional human sacrifices. The belief in the exist-
ence of saciifieers of this kind is so universal and so deeply rooted
that almost every year, especially at sowing time, rumours of real or
attempted human sacrifices run through the country and spread such
terror in out-of-the way places that people keep a close watch over
their children, and that even grown-up men dare not venture alone on
a journey through lonely spots.

The word ndjom denotes a wizard or more frequently a witch
who can in various ways excite some bonga against this or that
family or individual. The ndjom is said to eat the life or soul of his
victim. The soka is applied to for the purpose of discovering ndjoms .
Formerly they used to suspend wizards and witches to a branch of a
high tree and roast them to death slowly by means of a fire kindled
under the tree. Hardly a village can be found where there is not a
house suspected or convicted of witchcraft by the soka. The social
position of these poor people becomes exceedingly difficult. They are
clrilan, ue. 9 precluded from eating or drinking with the other villagers
sometimes for years and years ; and when first pointed out by the soka
they are invariably fined to furnish the animals for expiatory sacrifices,
and generally they have to undergo a certain amount of bodily ill-
treatment. They are sometimes altogether expelled from the village,
and even now-a-days they do not always escape with their lives.

The numberless superstitions and their theories about dreams need
not be mentioned here, as they do not give rise to special words.
Boulders of limestone are believed to be the bones of fiendish proud
giants, called raksha . The word is evidently not a Mundari one.

The little the Mundas have of popular stories is singularly devoid of
bright imagination an|l ideality, and therefore, linguistically so to say,
valueless. The Hindi word kahmii is the only existing equivalent for
story. Distinctively Kholarian accounts of the origin of man and of
the great flood are exceedingly meagre and do not enrich the vocab-
ulary of the language.

Dalton gives the following as a Kholarian version : —

“ The first man and woman were placed in a delightful valley and
lived there in great simplicity. It was only when their creator
descended and taught them the art of making Hi (intoxicating rice-
beer) that they began to get offspring.”

Instead of the deluge they speak of a rain of fire which long ago
destroyed everything living except a brother and sister, who were both

NUMBER AHD KIND OF MUNDARX WORDS. xiii

blind. These two getting drunk one day on rice-beer got offspring and
became the parents of the present human race.

This unsavory detail of drunkenness met with in be th these accounts
throws an unfavourable light on the reputed simplicity of the race.
That simplicity as well as the reputed truthfulness of the Khols are two
myths, which only show how rash it is for mere tourists or even
temporary residents to rush into print with interesting ethnographical
notes about races whose languages they do not understand and of whose
customs and real inner life they could not possibly have acquired any
but the most superficial knowledge.

Words which, like our Adjectives, denote qualities concretely, are
not very numerous.

(1) For the purely moral qualities there are hardly any words :
such Adjectives as constant , generous , faithful , courageous , discreet , pious,
abstemious , modest , etc., have no equivalents in Mundari. It would,
however, be wrong to conclude from this that the Mundas have no
ethical perceptions, for they have words to denote the corresponding
moral deformities or vices. They will say that a man is miserly ,
deceitful , crafty , spiteful, jealous , dishonest , lazy, and the like. All these
deficiencies have struck them as morally wrong : they are all et'Ican,
i.e., bad . But they have so far not given any serious attention to the
study and classification of the various kinds of virtues. These must
be satisfied with the general term bugin, i.e., good. Bugi means
primarily to be in good health as well as to cure. I have heard the
terms sold and pokio used as qualificatives of praise. Soto horo means
a man on whose word one can rely to a great extent. Foldo horo is a
morally ambiguous praise : it means a man of resource to carry out
any work, whether it he a piece of consummate rascality or of moral
merit. These* seem to he the Mundarized Hindi words sut and puckclca.

(2) All intellectual accomplishments are summed up in the single
word seramn . Sevan means primarily to come to the age of reason.
It is also used to denote ivisdom , cleverness .

(3) What seems more surprising still is the fact that they have
only three generic terms for colours. The pure blue sky of Chota
Nagpur, the light green rice-fields, the forests with their numberless
hues as well as everything else that is not white or red are all simply
.called hende , i.e., blach. From light grey to the purest white everything
is punii, white. Whatever colour does not fall under these two
denominations is am, i.e,, red. And yet the Mundas are by no means

XI? m INTRODUCTION.

colour-blind, nor are they indifferent to colours. They delight in them*
A profusion of bright colours is especially relished. They denote it
by a jingle, * chiribiri-e hiribiriP If they are urged to specify some
kind of red, they will tell you that it is red like saffron or red like
Urn or that flower. To specify some kind of their wide range of
blackness, they will say that something is black like the rice-fields , or
like the leaves of this or that tree, or like the shy , or like the night .
Though they are probably the darkest race in India, they distinguish
between the esel or fair , and the hende or black individuals of their
kinsfolk. For the newcomer from Europe it takes some time before
he perceives the difference. They have also a certain number of
words entirely restricted to denoting the colours of domestic animals
and fowls. The coat of the man-eating Bengal tiger has vividly struck
their imagination. Hence they denote his colour by a jingle, bang ad' •
bungud f bangad' -bungud \ The leopard, owing to Ms greater daring
in cattle- stealing, is as much an object of terror as the tiger. His
coat is honoured too with a special jingle, u bangra-bungru bangra -
bungru”

As against their three generic terms for colour, they have at least
six or seven to denote qualities affecting the sense of taste.

The Munda’s arithmetical notions are, of course, very simple. He
has as many Cardinal numbers as he has fingers' on both hands, or toes
on both feet, viz., ten distinct form's. And as though he had summed up
fingers and toes into one grand total, he has adopted a special word for
twenty, viz., hhi. Generally he will place the word mid ' or mod' before
hisiy and say mod' km, one twenty, just as we say one hundred , one
thousand „ Eleven becomes gelmidi \ i,e., ten-one; thirty is mod' hisi gelea ,
one-twenty-ten ; forty is bar hisi or two twenties. Thus he runs up to
five and sometimes to six twenties. A special word for a hundred or
anything beyond it does not exist in Mundari. That number appears
to have exceeded their imagination as much as it exceeds the modest
sums changing hands in their commercial transactions.

Of Ordinal Numbers they have but two, viz., sida, the first, and eta,
the other.

Distributive Numerals they form by reduplicating the first syllable
of the Cardinal numbers. Y.gr., harm , two ; babaria , two by two.

Proportional Numerals are formed by means of a suffix literally
meaning towards, Y.gr., bar-sa : twice.

■ The English rule is gradually bringing home to the Munda the
necessity of counting further than five or six twenties. But instead

ft UMBER AND KIN D OF MUNDAUI WORDS. XV

of perfecting his own system, he finds it more convenient to adopt
the Hindi one. Now-a-days the Mimdari Numerals are hardly used
except in out-of-the-way places, where the Hindu money-lender and
zamindar have not yet found it profitable enough lo establish
themselves*

The whole geometrical terminology is limited to the word got a ;
to be round , to round off. But this word means also and primarily
whole, entire . Even Hindi equivalents for such terms as triangular ,
square, etc., have not yet found their way into the Mundari
vocabulary.

A race whose aims and ambitions do not rise beyond the most
rudimentary civilisation is not likely to indulge much in those abstract
forms of thought which divide being into substance and accidents
or compare and classify qualities. As for those still higher and
subtler abstractions which are indulged in chiefly for the intense satis-
faction they afford to an active mind, they are sure to find no favour
with a race for whom thought is synonymous with gloom and recollec-
tion or remembrance with sorrow. Hence we need not look for
abstract words of a higher kind in Mundari. A kind of abstract
nouns of a low type is formed by the insertion of n after the first
vowel of certain words. That vowel is repeated after the n . Thus argu
means to lower , to let down; anargu means a slope ; bolo ; to enter ;
honolo : entrance .

On the othef hand, there exist sets of totally distinct roots for
objects of the same class as well as for states or for forms of activity of
the same kind, where we would expect one generic term to be specified
according to need by various qualitatives. Thus, v^gr., five different
words denote the various sitting postures to which the Mundas are
accustomed. There are as many as ten different words to designate
baskets of different sizes and varying but slightly in form. But this
very profusion points to the same fact as the above-mentioned ^scarcity
of words of another kind, viz., the comparative absence of those higher
forms of thought which tend to generalize and classify. With regard,
then, to words indicative of civilisation and intellectual activity,
Mundari may deservedly be called a poor language.

The manner in which the Munda handles his scanty materials
appears to point equally to an inability to grapple successfully with

INTRODUCTION.

XVI

the higher forms of abstract thought. So far, however, as it goes, it
is certainly a remarkable product of the spontaneous working of human
reason. It differs so totally from anything we are accustomed to in
Organic languages that a somewhat lengthy exposition seems
necessary to place it in its proper light. This exposition comprises
three distinct considerations, viz., (i) the nature of Mundari words as
such , Here we consider the words simply as signifying units, leav-
ing aside the connotation of all those interrelations which arise
solely from the exigencies of the proposition, (ii) The manner in
which words are treated when they do enter as parts into a prop)Osition t
or the manner in which the Kholarian mind conceives the relations
existing between the different parts of the proposition. (iii) The
structure or form of the Mundari proposition.

Functions or signifying power of Mundari Words.

(I) “With regard to their signifying power, roots have been divided
into two categories: Predicative roots and Demonstrative roofs .

Predicative roots are those which primarily denote living beings,
inanimate objects, qualities, stales, or actions.

Demonstrative roots are those whose primary office it is either (1) to
point out distinctions between living beings or inanimate objects
(v.gr., Pronouns), or (2) to signify relations of space and time as well
as other relations (v.gr., Prepositions or Postpositions;. This division
applies, of course, to Mundari roots as well as to those of any other
language.

In Organic languages words, as already stated, are no longer bare
roots. Organic words are divided into Parts of Speech , viz., Nouns,
Verbs, Adjectives, Pronouns, Numerals, Adverbs, Conjunctions, and
Interjections. Each Part of Speech has its own separate function >
Thus Concrete Nouns denote either living beings or inanimate objects.
Abstract Nouns denote qualities, states or actions considered abstractly.
Adjectives denote qualities concretely only, i.e., as inherent in some
subject, whereas Verbs denote states cr actions concretely, i,e. 9
transitively or intransitively, viz., as referred to some subject or agent
in a given proposition ; and so on for the other Parts of SpeSeh.
These Parts of Speech remain permanently restricted each to its own
particular function. The Noun cannot perform the function of a
Verb f the Adjective always remains an Adjective ; the Adverb
remains an Adverb,

p

I •

FUNCTIONAL ELASTICITY OF MUNI) A HI FOOTS. XVU

Furthermore, these various Parts of Speech are even in the living
Organic languages frequently distinguished from each other by their
outward form* The extent to which the functions of Organic words
are thus recognizable from the word-form depends on the greater or
lesser extent to which the laws of phonetic decay have been at work
in a given language; for the outward sign of the function now
performed by a Part of Speech was originally some permanent prefix,
suffix or infix with a form and a meaning of its own. Hence, in the
more ancient languages we meet with a greater number of these charac-
teristic desinences, whereas English has hardly any of them left.

Now, what is the purport of these Parts of Speech ? How far and
how closely do they follow thought itself, i,e, 9 how far and in what sense
do they signify concepts ? In a word, what is their real and full poiver
as signifying agents? Though the answer to this question be implied
in the above description, it may be useful to give it more explicitly
here, in order to bring out fully the contrast between the signifying
power of Organic Parts of Speech and that of Mundari words. If that
contrast is well understood, it will be seen that precisely that which we
are accustomed to consider as the better part of the value and power
of our own words, is by no means essential to words as such , and is
actually wanting in Mundari words ,

Bare roots denote living beings, objects, qualities, actions, states, and
relations. Parts of Speech have the very same denotative power . They
too denote living beings, objects, etc. But they are not restricted to
this modicum : they superadd something to it. They connote at the
same time the varying manner in which the mind may and does
conceive at different times the living beings, objects, qualities, states,
actions, and relations thus denoted. They are therefore not, like bare
roots, merely spoken or written signs of things, actions, etc., but they
are also signs of various forms of abstract thought . Let us, by way
of illustrating this, consider the words to divide , division , divisible ,
divisibility. These are all easily recognized as resulting from the
combination of the same primary root with various secondary ones.
All four of them denote one and the same action . But they do not
at all denote that action in one and the same manner . The intellect
may conceive an action —

(1) As a physical reality , viz., as an actual modification of some
agent. The concept thus obtained represents the action as referred

a 3

INTRODUCTIOK.

**•

xmi

to a real subject or agent. Now, the Verb H to divide ” denotes the
action precisely as conceived by the mind in that particular manner
which has just been described. The Organic Yerb therefore does not
merely denote actions in a loose, vague manner, independently of the
various ways in which the mind may conceive them. But it directly
denotes the actions, and at the same time it connotes one and only one
of the ways in which they may be conceived by the mind. It is
therefore something more than the spoken or written sign of an
action : it is also the sign of one particular , well-defined degree of
abstract thought .

(2) The intellect may conceive the same action independently of its
relation to an agent. It may tear it away from all real relations,
and thus transform it into a purely ideal entity — one which, as now
conceived, can have no existence out of the thinking mind ; for an
action without an agent is a physical impossibility. Now the Abstract
Noun 66 division ” is precisely the spoken or written sign of the concept
thus formed. It directly denotes the same action which is denoted by
the Yerb to divide. But it connotes a degree of thought or abstraction
distinct from and higher than the one connoted by the Yerb.

(3) The intellect may compare the concept represented by the Noun
“ division ” with the concept oi some concrete object in order to see
whether that object be susceptible or not of the action in question.
If it find the object susceptible of that action, it may conceive that
object precisely , and only as susceptible of the action, leaving out
of consideration all its other qualities. The Adjective “ divisible ”
becomes the written or spoken sign of the concept thus obtained.
It implies therefore a degree of abstraction distinct from and higher
still than the one connoted by the Noun “ division” Here the
action is conceived as an actual modification or quality of an
object.

(4) ‘Finally, instead of conceiving the action in the way just
described, the mind may consider it as apart from every object as well
as from every agent . It thus transforms it into a purely ideal entity
for the purpose of considering it in itself and comparing its essential
characteristics with those of other similarly obtained concepts . Thus
it may oppose divisibility to simplicity or the ideal geometrical point, etc.
This is, again, a much higher degree of abstraction than the one
connoted by the Adjective iC divisible ” The Abstract Noun “ divisibility ”

FACTIONAL ELASTICITY OF M UN DARI ROOTS. xk

is the spoken or written sign for this particular concept or degree of
abstraction, ■ , : 7 - ■ ■■ ■ 7

Now, in the outward form of the above four words, there is
absolutely nothing more which could intelligibly and explicitly signify
the widely different meanings conveyed by those words. The change
of d into s, the endings ion , ible , ibility have no longer a trace of
signifying power if taken by themselves. They are the meaningless
remnants of former complete secondary roots added to the primary
for the purpose of obtaining an adequate expression of the four
concepts just described. Though we be no longer conscious of the
manner in which these meanings were originally obtained, the Aryan
mind instinctively grasps those meanings. The functions of the ele-
ments composing the words remain in our explicit consciousness,
though the elements themselves have to a great extent dropped out
of that explicit consciousness . The Farts of Speech therefore are a
kind of crystals which offer to the mind ready-made spoken or written
signs for every kind and degree of abstract thought the mind is capable
of. It is not difficult to see how the formation and existence of
such words enriches and strengthens a language. It endows it with
an almost indefinite power to express in a comparatively simple
manner the highest abstractions of the mind, and gives it a pliability
which can follow thought into its most intricate varieties and its
finest shades. Deprive words of this character and immediately the
expression of even simple forms of thought becomes heavy and
obscure. The words by themselves alone no longer convey the full
meaning of the speaker’s mind : hence the context of the proposition
and the circumstances under which it is uttered must, as far as they
can, make up for the deficiency in the words’ signifying power. Often
this will not suffice. Circumlocution must be used where otherwise a
single word would do. It may even perhaps be said that no amount
of circumlocution can bring home certain abstractions to a race so
long as that race has not gone through the hard intellectual effort of
making its own language a fit vehicle for those abstractions. Thus,
«?. gr.y the single term divisibility is by itself alone equivalent to some
such propositions as the following : We conceive quantity as susceptible
of being decomposed either really or ideally into an indefinite number of
parts . The Adjective divisible is equivalent to the sentence — This or d hat
66 quantum 99 (real or ideal) is susceptible of being decomposed into so or so
many equal parts. Hence in the proposition — twelve is divisible by four ,

INTRODUCTION.

XX

the Adjective equals the following circumlocution : the number twelve
can be decomposed into four part, % each of which con tains the same number
of units, Our Parts of Speech save us the trouble of composing each
time such explicit verbal expressions for these abstractions. In this
way they powerfully assist the habit of abstract thought, and confer
on the mind an ever-increasing facility to move with both greater
ease and rapidity in the higher regions of intellectuality. The evo-
lution of roots into Parts of Speech is therefore an intellectual acquisi-
tion of immense value. That mental energy and activity have a great
deal to do with that evolution need hardly be stated.

In Mundari this evolution can scarcely be said to have seriously
begun. Here we look in vain for four perfect equivalents of the words
to divide , division , divisible , and divisibility . The word hating means

indeed to divide , but it is not, like the English Yerb, restricted to this
function, and consequently does not, by itself alone, connote the manner
in which the mind conceives the action ; for the very same word denotes
also a part . Again, the same word signifies the act of division . In this
signification it has a substantive function. But it has not the abstract
connotatm power of the English Noun division. It is a functional
equivalent to the English Infinitive in such phrases as to divide this is
east/. The insertion of n after the first vowel yields a real Abstract
Noun, viz., hanating , the division , the partition . But, as a matter of
fact, the Mundas use this Noun to denote both the action and its result .
Thus hanating means also a part , Primarily, however, it signifies the
action itself and it does signify it with a certain emphasis. This
particular formation is in reality a decided step towards a higher
evolution, and if the Mundas were given a little more to abstract
thought, forms of this kind would undoubtedly soon be used exclusively
as perfect equivalents of our Abstract Nouns. The Adjective divisible
can only he rendered by the phrase hating darioa : it can be divided , or
by the circumlocution, hatingo-lekagea : iz is like being divided (hatingo
is the Passive of hating , and therefore means to be divided , whereas
lekaged means it is like). For the Noun divisibility the Munda has not
only no single word, but he would be sadly at a loss if he had to render
the term in any intelligible way at all. Anything like a concise
translation of the arithmetical chapter on division is, up to date, an
impossibility in Mundari. Instead, then, of Parts of Speech with well-
defined functions and a precise but rich denotative and connotative
power, we meet in Mundari with words of great functional elasticity,

FUNCTIONAL ELASTICITY OF MUNDARI ROOTS. XXL

and therefore of a vague signifying power— words which, whilst denoting
living beings, actions, qualities 5 and relations, do generally not by
themselves connote the manner in which the mind conceives the things
signified. That connotation is generally left to the context of the
proposition or the circumstances under which it is uttered; for (1)
every Mundari root, whether predicative or demonstrative, may perform
at least two functions, viz., (a) its own primary function ; (5) the
function of a Transitive or an Intransitive Ter b. (2) A number of
words are susceptible of quite a variety of functions. By way of
illustration let us take the w r ord oro. It is the ordinary equivalent
of the English Conjunction and. It may therefore be called a
Conjunction. However, it is just as much a Quantitative Adjective
meaning more , v. gr., oro horoko : more men . But instead of being thus
used adjectively in connection with a Noun, it may stand by itself alone,
and thus perform the function of an Indefinite Quantitative Pronoun ,
v, gr. 5 Oro omaingme : give me more of it. The same unchanged form
may be used as an Adverb and thus mean : again, once more . Finally,
it may assume the functions of either a Transitive or an Intransitive
Verb . Thus used oro may mean— (1) To do more , to say more , to ask
for more, to give more. (Here it is the Adjective oro which is used
as a Verb.) (2) To do something again, to ask for something again,
to say something again . (Here it is the Adverb oro which is used as
a Verb.) This Verb oro may in its turn be used as a Noun.

Thus the same unchanged form is at the same time a Conjunction ,
an Adjective , a Pronoun, an Adverb, a Verb , and a Noun , or, to speak
more precisely, it may become a Conjunction, an Adjective, etc., etc.;
but by itself alone it is none of them. It is simply a vague elastic word,
capable of signifying, in a vague manner, several distinct concepts,
i.e., of assuming a variety of functions. It does assume this or that
function only when it enters actually as part and parcel into a
proposition. The function it performs in such a proposition is generally
gathered either from the context, or from the position it occupies, or
from some Suffix assumed temporarily for a particular purpose. I
say assumed temporarily, because the original form oro, through all its
possible functions, is not only incapable of any internal changes,
but it repudiates every permanent Suffix. In this respect therefore
Mundari differs not only from Organic languages, hut also from
those Agglutinative languages which have evolved Parts of Speech
and distinguish Substantives, Verbs, etc., by characteristic and per-
manent suffixes, prefixes, or by reduplication.

INTRODUCTION.

xxii

The following series of propositions shows the word oro in its various
functions:—

(1) Conjunction.*— B. oroko oro Dikuko menakoa, — Here are Mtindas and Hindus.

(3) Adjective.—

(3) Pronoun . —
Pronoun.—

(4) Adverb . —

(5) Verb . —

(6) Noun.-

Oro Dikuko Mjufcanako,*
Oro merui,-"-
Or6-ho kijutanako,-
Or6-ho hijutana,-—
Ord-a-ko,— -
Oro- a-kOj— -

Oro ena rabala,—

More Hindus are coming
There is more of it.

More of them are coming.

They are coming again .

They will do or say it again.
They will ash or give or say
more.

To do it a gain is easy, or to ash
for more is easy.

The ho suffixed to the Pronoun in (S) stands as Plural suffix, whereas the same
suffix in (4) stands as Pronominal subject to the Predicate hijutana

(II) What has just been said of the vagueness and functional elasti-
city of simple icords devoid as yet of any specifying prefixes, infixes or
suffixes applies equally to Mundari compound words.* This term is not
here restricted to those words which we generally call compound words,
such as corn-flour da<k-bhie, interfere, but it includes all those varying
forms of simple words which arise directly out of the exigencies of
the proposition, such as case-forms of Nouns, tense-forms of Verbs, etc.,
v.gr., father’s, came, wrote. For all these are in Mundari easily recognised
as compounds, in which the primary roots stand out clear and distinct
from the secondary roots or the so-called formative elements. It is
precisely in this class of compounds that the functional difference
between Organic and Mundari words shows itself most strikingly.

In Organic languages the case-endings of a Noun or Pronoun, the
desinences or auxiliaries indicating Voice, Mood, and Tense of a Verb,
the personal pronominal desinences of Verbs, and the endings indicating
decrees of comparison in Adjectives or Adverbs do add something to
the signification of Nouns, Pronouns, Verbs, and Adjectives, but they
do not change the nature of their signifying power. The Noun still
remains a Noun, the Adjective remains Adjective, and the Verb still
performs the function of a Verb. This kind of desinences or forma-
tive elements simply point out the particular relation in which the words
specified by them stand to some other words of the same proposition.

* In considering the functional elasticity of Mundari compounds, wo abstract entirely from
tlia manner in which they are obtained. That indeed is a consideration quite apart. Here
we simply take them as we find them ready-made, and contrast their functional character with
that of their Organic equivalents.

FUNCTIONAL ELASTICITY OF MUNDARI COMPOUNDS, XXill

In the proposition Thy brother's horse runs faster than mine, the word
brother's is the spoken sign of the same kind of being and of the same
concept of which the word brother is a sign. But the desinence ’s
exhibits that being as standing in the relation of owner to a being
denoted by the word horse. Hans denotes the same concrete action
which is denoted by run, but the s refers the action to a particular
subject, viz., horse . Faster signifies the same generic modification of an
action which is denoted by fast. But the ending er exhibits it as
exceeding in intensity the speed of the second horse spoken of in the
same sentence. We cannot conjugate Organic Nouns, Adjectives or
Conjunctions, nor can we decline the Tense-forms of Organic Verbs,
nor can we add desinences indicative of degrees of comparison to any
Part of Speech except Adjectives and Adverbs. And the reason
of this lies precisely in the fact that this kind of secondary elements
is exclusively destined to point out the intra-propositional relations
of words which are already perfect as Parts of Speech.

A consequence of this is another fact which we must attend to when
we compare the functional character of these Organic forms with their
Mundari equivalents. It is this. The Organic forms under considera-
tion, if taken by themselves alone, do not satisfy the mind, because
their special formative elements raise questions which can only be
answered by the context of a proposition. Thus, the form would come
makes us ask instinctively : who ? and under what circumstances or
conditions would he or they come ? In this sense therefore we may
say that these forms have no existence independently of a proposition.
Nevertheless, if we do detach them from their context, they still
are always capable of suggesting to the mind a complete and well-defined
concept . Thus, «?. gr ., the forms brother's and would come at once call
up in the mind the very same concepts which are signified by the
Nominative brother and the Infinitive to come ; although the case-
ending 's and the auxiliary would cause the mind to ask for a context
in order to bring out fully the meaning suggested by these formative
elements.

Mundari can produce compounds denoting the very’ same relations
which are denoted by Organic Cases or Tenses. It has even a greater
number of Tense-suffixes than any Organic language can show. The
compounds thus obtained resemble their Organic equivalents in this
that they can have no existence independently of a proposition, but
they differ from them in this that very often they cannot even
iacipiently suggest to the mind any definite concept at all if torn away

INTRODUCTION.

xxiv

m

from every context. In order to know what such a compound may
mean, it is necessary that we should know (1) what function its
primary root performs in a given proposition; (2) what functions
its secondary root or roots perforin in the same proposition. But
frequently all this can only he gathered from the circumstances under
which that proposition is uttered. Hence (8) it is often necessary that
we should know those circumstances. When therefore the Munda has
formed a compound by infixing or suffixing to the ■primary root such
secondary ones as denote Case, Voice, Mood or Tense, he does not yet
obtain a Part of Speech or a sign exclusively representing one sharply-
defined concept. All he obtains is a compound word which, within the
logical limits of the new specifications caused by these secondary roots,
is as little restricted to one single function as any simple predicative
or demonstrative root. Such a compound may, without undergoing a
further change of form, assume all those functions which are still in
any way compatible with the limitations or specifications denoted by its
secondary roots. Hence we meet with material Case-forms assuming
the functions of an Organic Verb, and with Tense-forms taking the
Case-suffixes of Nouns ; v. gr>, red is one of the five Mundari Genitive
suffixes; ora means house. The compound ordered therefore means of
the house . But it may just as well be an Intransitive form, and thus
mean it is in the house or they (viz., inanimate objects) are in the
house. Unless, therefore, we know the circumstances under which this
compound is uttered, it is impossible to know what function it actually
performs. Nor can the word by itself alone call up any definite
concept in the mind, precisely because under one set of circumstances it
may directly denote an object, viz., house , whereas under different
circumstances it may denote a state , viz., the state of some thing being
then and there in a house.

As a further illustration of the functional elasticity of Mundari
compounds, take the various meanings of oro-ko in the following
propositions : —

(1) Nereko kamikeda orolco senojana,— They worked here and

then they went away.

(2) Hijudoko hijulena mendo or oho senojana, — They really did

come, but they went away again.

(3) Hanre ka besea enreo oroko senojanako,— It is not good over

there ; nevertheless — more of them have gone (thither).

(4) Orolco sa j aikom —Punish those who will do it again.

FUNCTIONAL ELASTICITY OE MUNDARI COMPOUNDS.

In (1) and (2) the suffix ho is the Personal Pronoun standing as
Subject to the Predicates senojana. It is therefore impossible to
ascertain the function of the compound oroko from this suffix. Can it
b© ascertained from the primary root oro ? No, for there is nothing in
the form of either proposition which allows us to conclude anything
- with certainty regarding the function of oro\ It may be the Conjunc-
tion and or the Adverb again in either of the two propositions. Hence
the circumstances must decide whether here the primary root performs
the function of a Conjunction or that of an Adverb.

In (3) and (4) ho performs the function of a Plural suffix. In
(3) it is the Plural suffix to oro* used as an Indefinite Pronoun. This
can be made out from the existence of a distinct Pronominal subject ho
suffixed to senojana. In (4) ho acts as Plural suffix to the Future Tense
used as a Participial Noun of Agency. That here oroko is a Noun of
Agency yvill at once be felt instinctively by the Munda. But that
little sentence, Oroko sajaikom, would puzzle many a foreigner, though
he may have spoken his oxen Mundari perhaps already for years.

Tense-forms are best suited to illustrate the functional elasticity of
Mundari compounds in a striking manner.

The Mundari equivalent of an Organic Transitive Verb has four
Voices , five Moods , and twenty-one Tenses, Each Tense has three
Numbers — Singular, Dual, and Plural, with altogether eleven Personal
forms and one Impersonal form. All this array of Voices, Moods,
and Tenses can he tabulated into a scheme of great regularity,
apparently resembling a scheme of Organic Conjugations very much
indeed. It is then not astonishing that beginners should look on these
as exclusively equivalent to Organic Verb-forms, and therefore as
restricted to the functions of Transitive Predicates. But that is a fatal
mistake; for Mundari has not only no Conjugation in our sense of the
word, but it has not even any Verbs at all, as we shall see by and
bye. The twenty-one Mundari Tense -forms may indeed be Transitive
Predicates , but they are just as well Adjectives , Adverbs or Concrete
or Abstract Nouns. Frequently they are equivalent to whole Relative
Clauses or to Circumstantial Clauses of Place, Time or Manner,

The root or word om denotes the act of giving substantively as well
as transitively. It means therefor© also to give . The Tense-suffix of
the simple Past in the Active Voice is ked. Hence omked is the Simple
Past Tense. I call it bare Tense-form because it contains only the
primary root that element which connotes time. In this respect,

a 4

1N3PEOBUCTION.

then, it is equivalent to the Latin ded or the Greek eSco/c (eSm) and
the English gam .

This bare Tense-form may s like its Latin and Greek equivalents,
stand as Predicate, i.e., it may be referred to a Subject. This act of
reference is in Latin and Greek effected by the mere fact of the
Personal desinences being added to the bare Tense-form or theme.
Dea-e or eScotc-a means 1 gave. In Mundari the reference of the
Transitive or Intransitive Predicate to a Subject is made by means of
the Copula d or a; mg means I. Hence omked~a4ng = dedi t eSm/ca,
or, 1 gave. Here is the complete scheme of the Simple Past Tens©

Predicate. Copula. Subject, PrecL

Subj.

Subject.

"Predicate."

Omked — a — mg

I

gave.

, Omked — a — m ^eSco/c-

— U?,

thou

gavest.

Omked - a - e 1 > W

— €,

he or she

gave.

Omked — a — - 1 7 ; ■■;/-; v-;

it

gave.

Omked — a — lang,

thou and I

gave.

Omked — a — Hog,

he or she and I

gave.

' Omked — a — ben,

you two

gave.

Omked — a — king, ;

these or those two

gave.

Omked — a — bu )

c

' you and we

gave.

Omked- a - le 1 =e6o ~^’ \

they and we

gave.

Omked — a — * pe eBo—

-T€,

you

gave.

Omked — a — ko e8o—

fcavj

they /

gave.

Neither the Copula d nor the Personal Pronouns figuring as Sub-
jects in the above Mundari scheme are mere desinences in the sense in
which the corresponding Greek Personal Subjects are desinences exclu-
sively belonging to a Transitive Predicate.

Por (1) the Mundari Subjects are the current Personal Pronouns
of the language, whereas the Greek Subjects are so no longer.

(2) The Greek Subjects must be suffixed to the bare Tense-form
or theme, whereas the Mundari Subjects are not restricted to that
position. In fact, whenever a word precedes the Predicate, those
Subjects are detached from the Predicate and suffixed to that word,
so as . to form the last syllable of it, so far as pronunciation is
concerned. Thus in the propositions : I, thou, he, etc., gave yesterday,
we get in Mundari the following : Hola 4ng omkeda, hola-m omkeda*
hola-a omkeda, etc.

As for the a in conjunction with a bare Tense-form, it is not restrict-
ed to the function of a Copula or link-word between a Predicate and a

FUNCTIONAL ELASTICITY OF MUNDABX COMPOUNDS. XXVl*

Subject. It can act equally as formative element of a Noun. Tims the
form omkedd by itself alone means that which some one has given .
This derivative from an Active Tense has no single-worded equivalent
in any Organic language. The closest literal translation — 44 the some-
body having given thing”— sounds barbarous. Yet it is the manner
in which this particular signification is conceived by the Munda
mind.

In comparing Organic with Mundari Tense-forms, we must attend
to the following points

a) Bare Organic Tense-forms, such as ded, e$co/c, are incomplete
and meaningless if separated from the Personal desinences S
ded and eSco/c mean nothing : they are not ivords; whereas
dedi and eSc ova are words and mean I gave .

( 2 ) The mechanism of Organic languages (if I may so call the
particular lines along which the Aryan languages have
developed) precludes them from using their bare Tense-
forms either adjectively or substantively. If they want
to use a Tense-form either substantively or adjectively,
they must have recourse to Infinitive or Participial
desinences. These special desinences may affect the
theme or primary element in its form . Thus Sov<? and
Boivat are the Participle and Infinitive of eScojca 9 1 gave*

( 8 ) That same mechanism tends to limit the power of even this
process more and more. Thus Latin has already fewer
Infinitives and Participles than Greek, and modern
languages have fewer than Latin.

In Mundari the case is very different: —

( 1 ) The bare Tense-form omked is a complete word by itself

alone. It has not only one, but several meanings. That
is why we must see it in a context in order to know which
of its possible functions it actually performs.

(2) This complete word may, without the aid of any special

suffix, be used either substantively or adjectively. Omked
is equivalent to Bovvai, dedisse, to have given, as well as to
Bov 9 , having given .

(3) Every one of the 21 Mundari bare Tense-forms may thus be

used either substantively or adjectively®

xxviii

INTRODUCTION.

In other words, though Mundari has no special Infinitive or Parti-
cipial forms , it has, functionally, as many Infinitives and Participles
as it has Tenses in any of its four voices. Of course most of the Tense-
forms thus used substantively or adjeetiVely cannot be translated
into English, except by Eelative Clauses.

When used as Participial Adjectives, they are placed immediately
before the Noun they qualify, and they never take any suffixes indic-
ative of either Gender, Number or Case Y.gr., omked koro 9 the man
who g%ve; omked horoMng , the two men who gave ; omked horoko, the
men who gave ,

The dissimilarity between the two processes of treating Tense-forms
does not end here. The Organic Infinitive, though it has a substantive
function, will not allow itself to be treated in every respect like other
Nouns. It refuses the ordinary Case-suffixes, nor can It be governed
by Prepositions. Sovvai cannot be declined, nor could we say in Latin .
(fratias refero tibi , pro-dedisse librum , — I thank thee for to have given
the book.

The Mundari Tense-form, on the contrary, behaves in every respect
both like an ordinary Adjective and like an ordinary Noun. In its sub-
stantive function it may take all the suffixes any other word, such as
v. gr., ord, house, may take. Besides suffixes denoting relations of space,
it may take suffixes of time distinct from the Tense-suffixes. In fact,
every suffix denoting any function which is at all compatible with the
general concept of an action may be added to a bare Mundari Tense-
form. A few examples will show this more clearly : —

1st — We have seen that in its adjective function the Tense-form
precedes the Noun. But a Noun can always be replaced by a Personal
Pronoun. Hence instead of Tense followed by Noun, we may have
Tense followed by Pronoun . But since the ordinary Mundari Personal
Pronouns are always suffixes, this combination of Tense plus Pronoun
yields one single word.

Omked horo,— The man who gave.
Omked h or oking,— The two men who gave.
Omked horoko The me n who gave.

Oinked*'— The one who gave.
Omkedf Icing, — The two who gave.
Omked'&o,— Those who gave.

$nd>~ A Mundari Adjective is turned Info an Adverb of Manner by
means of the suffixes kka, Mage, Mate , Matege, y.gr., bugikkak;

FUNCTIONAL ELASTICITY OF MUNI) AUI COMPOUNDS. xxix

literally, good-like, i.e., properly, in the right way. These same
suffixes may he used to transform any Tense-form into an Adverb of
Manner. But Adverbs of this class can never be translated by a single
word into English. Atkarjaiha means I feel and I am under the
impression. Hence Otnked'-lekct at'karjaina means T feel like having
given , i.e., I am under the impression that I did give.

g r d. & means it. Hence, omked-a means that which someone gave.

hth.—Ed is a Genitive Suffix to Nouns. Hence omked'-rd rasika,—
The joy one experiences for having given ( literally , the joy of having
given).

5th. — Te denotes cause. Hence omked'-te-ko sukujana,— They are
happy because they gave {literally, they rejoice on account of having
given).

5th. — Re means in, and is also used to denote condition. Hence
omked'-re-ko sukujana honang; literally, in the! having given they
would have rejoiced, i.e., they would be happy now if they had given.

yth. Tare means there and there inhere. Hence omhed'-tdre-ko

lelkia,— They saw him at the very place where he gave.

8th. Imtage means “at the very moment.” Hence omked-imtage

lelkiako, — They saw him at the very moment when he gave.

Tense-forms used substantively never become perfect functional
equivalents of our Abstract Nouns, which connote that the action is
there and then conceived as abstracted from all real relations; for they
still signify the actions as referred to an agent and as having a real
terminus ox object. This is clearly proved by the following fact:—
The Mnnda inserts Direct and Indirect Pronominal Objects into his
Transitive Predicates. In the Definite Present and the Definite Imper-
fect, these Objects must stand between the primary root and the Tense-
suffix. Example — Dal means to strike; the Definite Present suffix is
tan; the D efini te Imperfect suffix is tan + taiken ; ho means they and
them .

/Root. Dir. obj, T. sufl. Cop. Subj

Hence, he. is striking them now, |i)al * ho - tan - a « e.

XXX

INTRODUCTION.

In the Imperfeot Tenses the Subject generally stands between tan
and tailten.

/'Boot. Dir. ob]\ Tense. Sub], Tense. Copula,

Hence, he was striking them then, (Dal - ko - tan - e - taeken - a.
This is of course pronounced like one word — dalkotanetaikena.

In all the other Tenses Direct and Indireet Objects stand between
the Tense*suffix and the Copula. Hence —

Simple Past . — He struck them : Dalked'-£o~a-e.

Anterior Past.^Re struck them first: Dalled'-&<?-a-e.

Whenever the Direct or Indirect Object to a Transitive Predicate is
a living being. Pronominal Objects must be inserted into the Predicate
according to the above rules. When no Pronominal Object is inserted,
it is understood ipso facto that the Direct Object is an inanimate
being*

Now, whenever a Transitive Predicate is detached from its Copula
and Subject in order to be used adjectively or substantively, it is
detached together with its Pronominal Objects —

Bal-ho-tan Tioro , — The man who strif es them now.

Dal-Tco-tan-i , — The one who strikes them now ; JDal-Jco.tcm»Jcitog , — The two
who strike them now; Bal-ho-ian-Jeo , — Those who strike them now.

Balked/ •1cQ-ni -~ The one who struck them ; 2)alled'-ko-king , — The two who
struck them first.

Balled/ -Tco-rea, sajai, — The punishment incurred for having struck them first
{literally, the punishment of the act of striking them first).

Balled/ -feo4&re~lcing UlMa ,—* Both saw him there where he struck them first.

The suffix of the Possessive Genitives is a. Heuce Da!leci'-ko~nid ord
means “ The house of the one who struck them first.”

To denote presence in a certain place or near a person or object,
it suffices to suffix re 9 %n 3 w near to the word denoting the place
or person or object, add the Subject to these suffixes, and then add the
Copula a. This transforms the word into an Intransitive Predicate.

Noun. Suit Siibj, Oop.

Hence, Dalled'-ko-nia — ora - re - ko - 6, — They are in the house
of the one who struck them first.

Datted’-ko-ni-tare-ho-a , — They are near the one who struck them
first. Here, then, we haye an example of a Tense-form being used

FUNCTIONAL ELASTICITY OF MUNDAKl COMPOUNDS, XXXI

substantively, and then being retransformed into an Intransitive
Predicate denoting presence near a person, but still retaining its
original Transitive function. The compound ordrekod exhibits the
Locative Case of a simple Noun, transformed into a similar Intransitive
Predicate.

As a further illustration of the utter functional instability of both
simple and compound Mundari words, I shall add the following
examples: — Martobe is an Interjection meaning all right! let m begin !
Martobe~pe~a means : now, then , sag martobe , ue. 9 begin the work like
fellows who say martobe ! (Here the Interjection is used as an
Imperative with the Familiar Interjection a suffixed.)

Boys having learned to begin a race after counting in Hindi up to
three — eh, do, tin ! by way of signal, will transform these Numerals
into a so-called Yerb in order to say— Let us begin after counting one,
two, three — eMotin-e-a~hu. Bu is the Subject, a the Copula, the e is
euphonic. Literally, this means we shall ekdotin it, i.e., we shall start
after the signal ek, do 9 tin !

Sim means a fowl. Simked* -ho-a-le — literally, we fowled them . This
generally means we ham acquired {them) the fowls . But it may also
mean we have killed fowls to eat them , Le. (to-day), we have fowl for
our dinner.

Mahara means a cowherd; aka cl is the Suffix of the Perfect Tense.
Hence, Maharaakad f koale, — We have cowherded them, i.e., our cattle ;
we have entrusted our cattle to a cowherd . But it may also mean
We have engaged them (these men) as cowherds . Of course this Tense-
form may go again through the modifications indicated above. Thus,
Maharaakad'koni,-~ r 2h.Q one who has his cattle grazed by a cowherd.

It may be said that this method of treating words is very handy
and expeditious. No doubt it is so in a certain way. But it would
have to be abandoned were the Mundas to take to literature; for the
above examples suffice to show how absolutely necessary it is for the
listener to know the circumstances under which such compounds are
uttered. As clear and self-sufficient signifying agents, these compounds
are practically useless. They are too narrow, too material* too
dependent on trivial circumstances to be of use in literature ; they can
only do real service in a very familiar conversation about narrow
domestic or village matters, where all the circumstances are supposed
to be known to the listener.

xxxii

INTRODUCTION,

Still proceeding on this fundamental principle of his language, the
Munda retransforms whole propositions into compound words , and uses
them as Predicates in other propositions. Take the following proposi-
tion: Uolca-a-lang^ Thou and I shall stop or cease. Here lu>ha is
Predicate, a is Copula, Icing is Subject. The addition of a new
Pronominal Subject and Copula transforms this proposition into a
mere compound Predicate, thus —

Dir. object. Subj. Predicate. Copula.

Neado « le holcaalang ~ a.

Literally , this we holcaalang it, i.e., this we express by saying (holcaalang)
thou and I shall stop. Ndfom , a sorcerer. F ajomlcoalco, they treat
them as sorcerers : —

Dir. obj. Subj. Predicate. Copula.

Feado - le - najomlcoaJco - d.

This (process) we express by saying 66 they treat them as sorcerers.”

Sarti m eans true ; sarti-a, means it n true . Hence, sartiakedalco
means a they believed it” — literally , they it is trued it> i.e., they said to
themselves it is true .

It is easy to see how deeply the functional elasticity of Mundari
roots and compounds affects the grammar of the language. Not only
does it give to its etymological part a character widely different from
the etymology of an Organic language, hut it does away altogether
with a great part of Organic syntax ; for by substituting compound
words for every kind of Organic Subordinate Glauses, it eliminates with
one stroke the complicated laws which regulated the Moods and the
so-called sequence of Tenses in the Subordinate Clauses.

The Mxjbdari Proposition or Sentence.

Isolated words, whether simple or compound, bare roots or organic
forms, are the spoken signs of concepts. But the mind is not satisfied
with isolated concepts : it cannot rest until it has wrought at least two
gueh concepts into an intellectual totum , which might be called a mental
picture. When, for instance, we join the concepts denoted by the
words horse and run we Obtain such a mind-picture. This is translated
into language by the proposition : the horse rum. These are of course
quite distinct from mere sense-perceptions fc and /the picturings of
the imagination.

' i mE MUNDAm PEOPOSITIO Iff. xxxiii

We may at times seem to be working on a single idea or conoept,
but in that case we are in reality decomposing a complex idea into its
elements for the purpose of selecting some two or three of these
elements to rearrange them into a mental picture which will exhibit
one particular aspect of the idea we were working on* This process
we go through each time we formulate some definition. V. gr. 9 the
concept denoted by the term man includes in an implicit or embryonic
manner all the essential characteristics of man. But it is impossible
for the mind to represent to itself at any one instant explicitly and
clearly all that is contained implicitly in this complex concept. It can
only picture man to itself under one particular aspect at a given
moment. It may at one moment represent him as a moral being, at
another as an intelligent being, at another, again, as a being composed
of both matter and mind. Thus it obtains successively the different
mind-pictures which are signified by the propositions : man is a respon-
sible being ; man is an intelligent being ; man is a rational animat If a
speaker only uttered the isolated word man 9 a listener, though under-
standing the term, would still be at a loss to .know what he was driving
at. But by uttering one of the above sentences he calls up in the
listener’s mind a definite mind-picture. The listener then knows that
the same picture exists at that moment in the speaker’s mind. He
understands him. The act of thus uniting two or more concepts into
a mind-picture is, in logical terminology, called a judgment . Since
the mind can think only by judgments, we may call the judgment
the working unit of the intellect. Hence concepts are related to the
judgment as constitutive elements are related to the whole or totum .

Considered as a mental act, the judgment is in reality a perfectly
simple act, for it consists essentially in the perception of either agree-
ment or disagreement between two concepts.

Hence, an affirmative judgment is that act of the mind by which we
refer on© concept to another as either necessarily or * contingently
belonging to it.

A negative judgment is that act of the mind by which we. separate
on© conoept from another as disagreeing with it.

When we examine two concepts thus concurring into a judgment,
we find that one of them always acts as a kind of substratum, or rather
as an element requiring a closer specification or determination — an
element about which the mind may be said to ask a question* This
concept is called the Subject. The second concept contains the particular

xxxiv

IKTEODUCTIOK.

. v

specification which is required by the Subject, It answers the question
which the mind puts concerning the Subject. This concept is called the
Predicate , i.e., “that which is then and there predicated of the Subject.
The Predicate being the determining element may be considered as the
more important factor. Thus every judgment consists necessarily of
two primary or essential elements — a Subject and a Predicate . The mind
may introduce other elements into the judgment, but these do not affect
the constitutive duality of the judgment; for they are all merely exploita-
tions or extensions or explanations of either the Subject or the Predicate.
For instance, Predicates denoting actions generally imply a terminus .
Thus the idea of seeing implies an object which is seen. This terminus
is called the Direct Object v Many words denoting actions imply a double
terminus, v. gr., the idea of giving implies not only an object which is
given, but also a being to whom the object is given. Such a second
terminus is called the Indirect Object. Both Direct and Indirect Objects
are therefore only natural complements or explicitations of the Predi
cate. They are part of the Predicate, but do not form a new constitu-
tive element of the judgment. The same is true of any additions or
explanations which (may be added either to the Subject or to
the Predicate.

From what has just been said we see that in a judgment concepts
are not merely juxtaposed at random. Such a juxtaposition would as
little yield a judgment as the random juxtaposition of colours would
produce a picture. Even as the painter blends different colours into a
material picture, so does the mind, in its judgments, blend various
concepts into an intellectual picture. That blending is done by
aptly correlating and subordinating them to each other. But this
presupposes in the mind an innate power of grasping purely intellectual
relations and of instinctively and rapidly classifying the different
concepts of a judgment under the various categories of apprehended
relations.

It is in this act that the superiority of intellect or reason over mere
sense manifests itself so strikingly ; and since all languages are a more
or less perfect physical imitation of this purely intellectual act, it has
been said with truth that language constitutes an insuperable barrier
between man and the mere animal world.

The spoken sign of a judgment is the proposition or sentence , just as
words are the spoken signs of concepts. Since the proposition is the
physical counterpart of the mental judgment, it is evident that it

THE MUNDARI PROPOSITION. XXXV

cannot merely juxtapose at random the words denoting the various
concepts which constitute a judgment. It must in some way or
another connote at the same time all the relations in which the concepts
stand one to another. These relations are a set of purely mental
abstractions quite distinct from the abstractions described above
(pp. xvii, xviii, xix) as implied in the Organic Parts of Speech. They
arise directly out of the exigencies of the judgment as such. Some of
them are purely logical and necessary relations, such as, v. gr those
which exist between the Subject and the Predicate ; others are external
and contingent, such as, for instance, the various relations of space, time
or manner.

The means which language has at its disposal are necessarily
limited, and may be summed up under three heads —

(1) A particular and fixed order of words in the proposition.

(2) Reduplication of the first or last syllable of certain words.

(8) The use of special words used to directly denote relations of
space and time. These are the simple or compound
Demonstratives, such as Pronouns, Prepositions or Post-
positions of space and time, etc.

The three methods are used simultaneously in all languages ; but
not to the same extent nor yet in the same manner. Some use the ordSf
of words more extensively for the purpose of connoting the grammatical
relations, whereas others have recourse more freely to the use of Demon-
stratives. Again, it happens that two different languages using the
order of words to connote one and the same relation do not arrange
the correlated words in the same order.

The methods used by the Kholarian dialects differ in most respects
widely from those used by the Aryan languages. As a consequence
of this divergence the Mundari proposition bears an aspect very
different from its Aryan equivalent. It is regulated by laws which
find no application in the Aryan proposition. A comparison between
the Aryan and Kholarian methods on a few essential points will bear
out this statement.

1 .—Methods of connoting the relation between the Sub feet and the

Predicate*

This relation is a logical or necessary one; for whatever we predicate
in a proposition may roughly be defined as either a state or an action#,

xrm

XNTKODTJCTTON.

But a state necessarily implies some subject, and every action implies
an agent. Hence the Subject and the Predicate are each the natural
complement o£ the other, and as thus implying each other, they consti-
tute the very essence of the judgment. They are blended into a new
mental unit.

The words denoting the two concepts thus blended being physical
elements cannot, of coarse, perfectly imitate this mental process.
Nevertheless, since language is the natural outward imitation of
thought, we may expect it to instinctively tend towards welding the
terms denoting Subject and Predicate into one compound word or at
least to juxtapose them immediately. Asa matter of fact, however,
though juxtaposition be used extensively, it has, so to say, been judged
insufficient by a certain number of languages. Organic languages
have recourse to it only when the Predicate denotes an action conceived
as a reality, i.e when it is a Verb . In that case the Subject is suffixed
to the Predicate in the shape of a Personal Pronoun. Predicate and
Subject reacting on each other have produced those peculiar compounds
which we meet chiefly in the more ancient organic conjugations, where
the Pronominal Subject has become a mere desinence and the root of
the Predicate itself has sacrificed something of its original form to the
welding of Subject and Predicate into a single word. That the
position of the Pronoun immediately after the Predicate is really
intended to connote the relation between Subject and Predicate is
clearly shown by the fact that these Pronominal desinences must
remain even in those propositions where the Subject is expressed by a
separate Noun or a current Pronoun, v> gr., Rex da~<?, — The king
give-s.

The Organic languages went a step further still. To Nouns stand-
ing as Subject they also affixed a demonstrative root for the purpose
of connoting the relation between such Nouns and the Predicate. Thus
they obtained eventually a special Subject form of Nouns, viz , the
Nominative Case, which, like the Verb, consists of the bare Noun -Pa
formative element or desinence. These Nominative desinences are
extended to Pronouns and Adjectives. Hence when the Subject of a
proposition is a Noun or a Pronoun, and the Predicate is a Verb, then
the relation between Subject and Predicate is connoted twice, viz.,
first, by the Pronominal desinence of the Predicate ; secondly, by the
Nominative desinence of the rt Noun or Pronoun* Thus Huc-a (dux)
veni-#*

THE MUHDARI PROPOSITION XXXV11

Whenever the Predicate of a proposition is either a Noun or an
Adjective, Organic languages use a link-word or Copula to conneot the
Predicate with the Subject, v. gr., this man is a European. They ore
honest.

Now this Copula behaves like an ordinary Verb Predicate, inasmuch
as it takes Pronominal desinences agreeing with the Subject in Number
and Person. Hence here the relation of Subject to Predicate is directly
or primarily denoted first by the Copula, second by the Nominative
desinence of Nouns or Pronouns, and indirectly again by the personal
desinence of the Copula as well as by the Nominative desinence of the
Noun or Adjective standing as Predicate, v. gr., Eec-s nost-er es-i duc-s
bon-MS. Whereas the Copula est connects the Predicate dux bonus with
the Subject rex water, the several Nominative desinences of the Nouns
and Adjectives perform the function of exhibiting the concepts
denoted as perfectly co-ordinated in one and the same logical
relation.

Thus, then, the method used by Aryan languages to connote the
relation between Subject and Predicate does, as a matter of fact, divide
Organic propositions into two classes, so far as their outward form is
concerned —

(1) Propositions without a formal link-word.

(2) Propositions with a formal link-word.

The phonetio decay of the personal pronominal desinences has in
modern Aryan languages largely increased the number of propositions
belonging to the second class. The word used as Copula is generally
the so-called Substantive Verb to be, and this is treated as an ordinary
Verb. Some of it3 forms are taken from a root meaning to become.
This copula directly and primarily denotes either existence (real or ideal)
or a rising into existence. Hence the function it performs as link-word
is a secondary one superadded to its primary meaning for the particular
purpose of referring Predicates to their Subjects.

The Mundari method of connoting the relation between Subject
and Predicate differs very radically from the Aryan method-more
radically even than it appears at first sight. Mere juxtaposition of
the Subject and Predicate is not used. The short questions and
replies in which Substantive Predicates are occasionally placed
immediately after the Subject in affirmative, or before it, in interro-
gative propositions are in reality merely elliptic propositions. Thus
Munda oJcoe?— Who (is) village-chief? Ni Munda,— This one (is)
viHage-ohief.

xxxviii INTRODUCTION.

(1) Every Mundari Predicate is connected with its Subject by
means of a Copula.

(2) The word denoting existence, vis., mend, is not used as Copula.

(3) There are in Mundari two distinct Copulas , viz., tan and a or a .
Tan is used as link-word only when the Predicate is a Noun or Pronoun,
whereas a is used when the Predicate is either an Adjective or a Verb.

(4) Mundari propositions too are therefore divided into two classes,
but the division rests on a different principle from the one on which
the Aryan classification is based.

(5) Nouns, Pronouns, and Adjectives take no suffix indicative of
the relation here under discussion. There is therefore in Mundari no
Subject or Nominative-Case suffix of Nouns, Pronouns, and Adjectives.

(6) Neither tan nor d (a) ever undergo any change or mutila-
tion of form.

(7) Nevertheless, tan and a are not the sole exponents of the
relation between Subject and Predicate, for tan must always take
the current Personal Pronoun as immediate Subjective suffix even in
propositions where the concept standing as Subject is expressed by
either a Noun or another Pronoun. Hence it is the Copula tan plus
the Pronominal suffix which connotes the relation.

Sub*.

Cop.

Pred.

Pred.

Cop.

Subj.

I

am

a Mimda.

Horo

tan *

ing.

Thou

art

a Munda.

Hoyo

tan-

me*

He

is

a Munda.

1 Hofo

tan*

' *.

Subj.

Cop.

Pred.

Subj.

Pred.

Cop.

Subj, Sufi.

/■* ■ 1 11 ■■■%

This servant

is

a Munda,

Ne dasi

Horo

tan-

i.

These two servants

are

Mundas.

Ne dasiking

Horokxng

tan-

' Mng* ; /.

These servants

are

Mundas.

i Ne dasiko

Horoko

■[ tan - .

Jco»

Similarly, a Subjective Pronominal Suffix must be used together with
the Copula a (a) to connote the relation between Adjective and Transi-
tive or Intransitive Predicates and their Subject. But in this ease
the construction differs slightly ; whereas the Copula tan is not a suffix
or syllable of the Predicate, the Copula d (a) is always immediately
suffixed to Adjective or Transitive and Intransitive Predicates. The
Subjective Pronominal suffix is added to the Copula only when no other
word precedes the Predicate. Whenever another word precedes the
Predicate, the Pronominal suffix is added to that word, and thus

THE MUNDARi PROPOSITION.

XXXIX

forms its last syllable. Adjectives standing as Predicates generally
take the enclytic ge, v. gr, 9 bugin $ well (in good health), buginge—

Predic.Cop.Subj.
I am well,— Buginge -a 4ng.
Thou art well,— Buginge -a
He is well,— Buginge -a -e.

Thou and I are well,-
He and I are well,—
You two are well, —

Senhen is the Simple Past Tense of sen, to go
went — -

Subj. Predie. Predic.Cop Subj.

Predic.Cop.Subj.
~‘3ngmge~a4ang,
- Buginge-#- Ung*
Buginge-#- ben .

Hence it means

I went,—
Thou wentst, —
He went,—

Senhen ~a 4ng<
Senken -a -m.
Senken -a -e.

Subj.

Pred. Predic.Cop.Subj.

Thou and I went,-
He and I went,-
1 You two went,-

Senken- a- Icing*
Senken- #- ling .
Senken- ben*

Subj. Pred.

I went yesterday, —
Thou wentst yesterday,-
Ho went yesterday,—

Subj. Pred. Cop.
Hola ~ing senken -a.
Hola -m senken »«.
Hola -e senken -a.

Subject.

Pred.

Subj.

Pr. Subj. Pred. Cop.

r -._— —
The servant
The two servants
The servants

went yesterday,— Dasi hola- e
went yesterday, — Basiking hola- king
went yesterday, — Dasiko hola- ho

senken
senken »#.

In the Imperfect Tenses the Tense-sign consists of two distinct
suffixes, viz., the suffix of a particular Past or Present Tense, plus the
generic Imperfect suffix taiken . Thus, for instance, sentan is the
Definite Present of sen. Hence sentan taeken is the Definite Imper-
fect, meaning was going along at that moment . In these Tenses the
Pronominal Subject generally stands between the particular Tense-sign
and the Imperfect sign taeken —

Predicate.

Subj.

Predicate.

I was going along,-
Thou wast going along,-
He was going along,-

Subj. Cop.
Sentan 4ng- taeken
Sentan -cm- taeken - a .
Sentan -c- taeken -a.

From these examples we see that the Pronominal Subjects, though
not restricted to one fixed position with regard to the Predicate, must,
nevertheless, be in immediate contact either with the Copula or with the
Predicate. No word can ever intervene between these Pronominal

INTRODUCTION.

Si

Subjects and the Predicate or between them and the Copula.
This particular kind of contact is* no doubt intended to assist in its
way towards the connotation of the relation between Subject and
Predicate.

The division of Organic propositions into two classes, viz., one
class without a link-word, and the other with a link-word, is not based
directly on the logical nature of the Predicate-concept, but on the
etymological form of the word which denotes that concept. This is
clear from the fact that whenever an Organic .language uses an
Adjective, a Participial form as Predicate in certain Tenses that
Predicate must he connected with its Subject by means of a Copula.
In the sentence Rex proficiscitur there is no Copula, whereas in Rex
profedus est we meet with a Copula, although the idea denoted by
profedus is specifically the same as that which is denoted by
proficiscitur.

It is hardly to our purpose to point out here the logical reason
underlying the use of the Participial forms. This much, however,
may he said that a great amount of abstract thought is embodied in
these as well as in all other Organio word-forms. The Aryan has the
advantage of being able to use the abstractions thus stereotyped in
his words without having necessarily an explicit consciousness of either
the abstractions themselves or of the manner in which the forms
embodying them were obtained. Hence in the formation of his pro-
positions he may allow himself to be guided by his rich word-forms to
a much greater extent than a race whose words do not embody the same
amount of thought. Such races must, in the framing of their pro-
positions, base themselves more directly on the nature of the Judgment
itself in order thus to throw into the form of the proposition those '
essential abstractions which they have, as it were, neglected to express
in their word-forms.

In Mundari the division of propositions into two classes is directly
based on the logicul nature of the Predicate-concept. The form of the
word denoting that oonoept has nothing to do with it. This is shown
by the following facts : — CT .

(1) The very same word-form is at one time referred to its Subject
by means of the Copula tan, at another by means of the
Copula a (a) according to the nature of the concept it
denotes. Thus, boro tan-i means he is aMunda; horo-a-e
means he speaks Mundari.

THE MUNDARI PROPOSITION.

xli

(2) A certain number of words denoting occupations, offices, etc.,
are primarily Nouns in Mundari just as they are in Organic
languages; v. gr., Munda, village-chief ; pahanr , sacrifieer ;
manki , district-chief ; da si, servant. Such Nouns may
stand as Subjects or Direct and Indirect Objects in a
proposition, but they cannot as such perform the function
of Predicates. To use them as Predicates, the Munda
attaches to them an intransitive function, adds the Perfect
Tense-suffix, and then connects them with the Subject by
means of the Copula a > Thus —

8. C. Predicate. Predicate. C. S.

Pie is the village-chief, — Munda- ale an - a - e; literally , He is vill age-chief ed.

He is the district-chief, ^Manhi-aTcan -a- e ; „ He is district-chiefed.

He is a servant, — Dasi~a7ean -a- e ; ,, He is a-semng.

He is a king,— Raja-alc an -a- e; „ He is kinged.

H$nce the statement that Substantive Predicates are referred to
their Subject by means of the Copula tan does not mean that every
Mundari Noun can stand as a Substantive Predicate and take the Copula
tan . It only means that no Predicate except a Substantive can take the
Copula fan, It is the logical nature of the concept denoted by a Noun
which decides whether that Noun can stand as Substantive Predicate,
or whether it must assume an intransitive function before it can be used
as Predicate at all.

From the Organic point of view, the whole Mundari method of
signifying the relation between Subject and Predicate may perhaps at
first sight appear rather arbitrary. However, in language there is really
nothing either arbitrary or merely conventional. A short examination
of the nature of Predicates in general will, I think, show that the
Munda’s method is perfectly logical, and that what may appear to us
anomalous is in reality of a transparent regularity.

The mind throws all its concepts into two great categories :
substances and accidents. A substance is conceived as a something which
has either a real or possible separate existence of its own, v.gr,, a man,
a tree, the sun. If we analyse the concept of a substance, we find it
to contain as it were a bundle of characteristics, each' of which is
conceived as an essentially necessary constitutive element of that
particular substance, so that we cannot remove even one of them
without destroying that concept as such, v. yr, f the concept plant

—j',: ■ A 6

INTRODUCTION.

sill

necessarily implies matter and life ; the concept animal similarly
implies matter . life, and sense ; and the concept man implies reason and
toil l in addition to matter , life, and sense. Logicians divide these
concepts into the so-called natural genera, species and indivi-
dualities. Natural genera are concepts embracing classes of beings
conceived as having certain essential characteristics in common, t\ g>\ 9
plant, animal. Natural species m subdivisions of genera are conceived
as sets of beings having in common certain essential characteristics
not included in the concept of the genera under which they fall, v. g>\,
dog (under the genus animal). Individualities are conceived as possess-
ing, besides the characteristics of a so-called specks infima , certain
characteristics by which they are distinguishable from all the other
individuals of that species, v. gr t , this dog , that man.

Accidents are conceived as mere modifications of substances, i.e.,
as something which cannot have a separate existence of its own, but
requires a substance as substratum, a so-called subject of inherence.
Thus, for instance, we conceive colour as belonging to something and.
able to exist only in that something. Again, we primarily conceive
walking, writing, thinking as the acts or modifications of some agent,
seme substance. Furthermore, we conceive these modifications as not
being part of those essential characteristics which make up our concepts
of substances. Though a man has and must have some colour, we do
not conceive any particular colour as in any way affecting or modifying
humanity as such. This is true even of forms of activity, the capacity
for tvkieh constitutes an essential characteristic of a substance. Thus
the capacity of thinking is conceived as essential in man. But the
actual exercise of it at any given moment is conceived as merely contin-
gent. Hence the name accident, which implies that all the ideas of
this category are conceived as contingent, as mere modes of being
which whether actually present or not cannot change the intrinsic
nature of a substance.

In Organic languages ideas conceived as substances are denoted by
Nouns, also called Substantives. However, not all Nouns denote sub-
stances. Thus, for instance, Abstract Nouns, such as whiteness , virtue ,
etc., directly denote accidents and connote a particular -manner of con-
ceiving them, as shown above. Again, many Concrete Nouns, such as,
v.gr., Mng , servant , etc., although denoting individuals, are, neverthe-
less, primarily intended to designate particular accidents as inherent in
those individuals. They directly denote offices, occupations, trades,
©to,, as inherent in certain classes of individuals. The king and the

THE MUNDART PROPOSITION.

xliii.

servant would still remain substantially the same individuals even
though their respective social positions were suddenly reversed.

Ideas conceived as accidents are denoted .(1) by Adjectives, (2) by
Verbs, (3) by Abstract Nouns, and (4) by certain Concrete Common
Nouns, as just stated.

Now the office of the Predicate consists entirely and solely in
specifying the Subject, Le., in stating how the mind conceives the Sub-
ject in a given judgment. Hence in judgments where the Predicate
denotes a substance, the mind considers or pictures the Subject in its
essentially permanent aspect. In judgments where the Predicate signi-
fies an accident, the mind pictures the Subject in one of its contingent
or varying aspects. In doing this the mind implicitly knows that the
particular feature it thus pictures is not an intrinsic constituent of
Subject’s nature or essence.

From a purely logical point of view, therefore, judgments do really
fall into two classes, viz., essential and accidental judgments.

Essential judgments are those in which the Predicate denotes a
substance .

Accidental judgments are those in which the Predicate denotes an
accident .

The Kholarians would seem to have transferred this logical division
instinctively into their language. For in their propositions they
recognize the division (1) materially by the adoption of two distinct
link-words, one of which, viz., tan, is strictly reserved to connect
with the Subject only such Predicates as denote substances, whereas
the other, viz., d (a), is used only to connect with the Subject such
Predicates as denote accidents. (2) They furthermore recognize the
division formally by the very meaning of these two link- words.

To judge from the generic functions it performs in the compounds
where it occurs, the root ta denotes fixity in space and permanence in
time in the widest sense. If narrowed down by the Demonstrative
ne (this), it becomes tan . This used intransitively means to remain $
to endure , to last, to be necessarily so or so , to be essentially. Hence the
proposition Horo tanV would literally mean — He necessarily is a man.
(The form taen is the current word for to remain , and as such is an
ordinary Intransitive Predicate.) *

A f is the current Impersonal Pronoun meaning it> something . It
therefore denotes a being v or a some-thingness in the widest sense* i*e. $

INTRODUCTION

xliv

that vaguest of all concepts which is equally applicable to substances
and accidents. Now, if this be used intransitively, it must mean either
to be something or to become something . That the Copula a (a) is in
reality nothing but the Impersonal Pronoun used intransitively will be
shown in the Chapter on Mundari equivalents of Organic Verbs (see
Grammar, pages 125 to 122)* By the fact that tan exclusively connotes
substance in the Predicates which it refers to their Subject, it is
sufficiently understood that the kind of being connoted by a {a) in the
Predicates it connects with their Subject is a merely accidental mode
of being. Hence the proposition Ne s adorn hendege-a-e literally means:
This horse a black- something-lie . And if we translate a by is, we
get — This horse blaek-is-he. Hijutan means coming now* Hence
Eijidan-a-ko literally means : A coming-now-somethiog-they. If we
translate a by the Organic form are , we get : Ooming-now-are-they*
The word raja used transitively means to make some one king *
Rajao is the Passive Voice, and means to become a king. The
Perfect Tense of the Passive Voice is denoted by akan , Hence
rajaakan is a Participial form, literally meaning rex /actus (who has)
become king, i.e, ? is king now. Hence, h© is the king must he
rendered into Mundari by Rajmkan-a-e ; literally, a having-become-
king-to^-he, or having become king is he*

The mind frequently forms judgments which are logically quite
distinct from those which have just been described ; for it often repre-
sents things under an aspect which do neither exhibit their substance
nor yet any of their inherent accidental modifications* We may, for
instance, represent to ourselves a man as present in a particular place.
Thus we say : the servant is in the garden. Now presence here or there
does not affect the substance of the subject nor does it add anything to
the accidental modifications which are inherent in it. In such judgments
the mind simply represents to itself the outward spatial relation of
the subject to other real beings. Again, real existence as such does not
form part of our concept of substances* When, for instance, we think
of a future generation of men, we conceive their substance exactly in
the same way as we conceive our own. Their coming into existence
soma day changes nothing in those essential features which make
up our concept of a man : nor can we call their existence, when
realized, a mere accidental modification of those men. Their
existence or coming into actual being is conceived by us as their
entering into actual relations with the existing universe. In English
this idea of real existence as well as that of presence in, or absence

THE MUNDARX PROPOSITION,

xlv

from, a particular place is generally denoted by the same word which
serves as Copula to connect Substantive and Adjective Predicates
with their Subjects, viz., by the Substantive Yerb to he . There is a God
means — God exists. He is in the house means he is present in the house
or he now exists in the house. He is not in the house means he is absent
from the house. In these propositions therefore the word to be does not
perform the office of link- word, but it is by itself alone the real
Predicate.

The Munda never uses either of his two link-words to denote
existence. This alone goes some way to show that he attaches to both
tan and d {a) a meaning which cannot well bear the concept implied in
the English word existence . It is therefore in its way an argument in
favour of the meaning which has been attributed to tan and d in the
preceding pages.

Existence and non-existence are, in Munclari, denoted by two quite
distinct words : Mend means to exist and band means not to exist . At the
same time these two words are generally used to denote presence and
absence respectively — to be present, and band , to be absent. These
two words when used intransitively do not, like other Intransitive
Predicates, take the Copula a before the Personal Pronominal Suffix,
but after it —

Mena --m- a,-— I exist or I am
present.

Mena-awe-a, — thou exists, thou art
present.

Mena,-i-a,— he or she exists, etc.

Mena,— it or they exist, etc.

Mena-to^-a,— thou and I exist, etc.,
etc.

Banga-m-a, — I do not exist or I am
absent.

Bang-me-a, — thou doest not exist, etc.

Banga-i-a,— he or she does not exist.

Bano'-a,— it does not exist, etc.
Bang-^ro^-a, —thou and I do not exist,
etc.

There is in Mundari no Transitive equivalent of the English Verbs
to possess, to hate, to own. This idea is expressed by mend and its
contradictory by band. The construction used to predicate possession is
similar to the Latin construction in which the Yerb esse is used to denote
possession, viz., the being possessed stands as Subject, whereas the name
of the owner stands as Indirect Object, v.gr., I have a horse , — Equus est
mihi ; Ain- a (to me) s adorn (a horse) mend-i-a (exists), or S,id»m
(a horse) mendia-taing (exists to me).

Instead of expressing the idea of presence by means of mend,
the Mundas very frequently have recourse to a different construction*

INTRODUCTION.

xW

The name of the place in which, something or some one is present stands
first with the Suffix re, in. To this is added the required Personal or
Impersonal Pronoun, and then the link-word a—

They are there, — Enre m 7eo*&.

They are on the mountain,— Burur e-
JcQ m C&*

What has so far been said about the manner in which the Kholarian
mind denotes the relation between Subjeot and Predicate may b©
summed up as follows : —

Propositions are divided into two great categories —

(I) Propositions in which the predication falls directly and solely
on the Subject considered in itself alone.

(II) Propositions in which the predication falls directly on the
relations in which the Subject stands to other beings.

The first category of propositions is subdivided into two classes —

(1) Essential impositions, or those in which the Predicate denotes

a substance. In these the predication falls on the essential
and intrinsically necessary features of the Subject.

(2) Accidental propositions, or those in which the Predicate denotes

accidents . In these the predication falls on such contingent
modifications as may be inherent in the Subject.

In the Essential propositions the Predicate is connected with the
Subject by means of the Copula tan. In the Accidental propositions
the Predicate is connected with the Subject by means of the
Copula a {a).

These two link-words are not restricted to the hare function of
simply connecting the Subject and the Predicate, but they do by their
very meaning point out the logical nature of the Predicate. In other
words, they point out both the fact of the agreement and the
nature of that agreement ; for tan denotes a logically necessary
agreement between the Subject and the Predicate, whereas d (a) implies
a merely contingent agreement.

The propositions of the second category predicate, besides existence
or non-existence, the space relations of presence or nearness and absence
and the relation of ownership in which the Subject may stand to other
beings. These relations are denoted by mend and land together
with the Copula & {a). But the position of the Personal Pronominal

TJiey are Here, — i\ere-/eo-a.
They are in the house, — Or tire*

JcQ -& .

THE MUNDARI PROPOSITION.

xlvii '

Affixes is, in these Predicates, never the same as in the Accidental
propositions of the first category —

I '.— Category.

Pred.

Cop.

Suty .

Suty.

Cop.

Pred.

Ess , Prop.

Horo

- tan

... -i

He ..

is .

.. a Munda,

|

rMarangge ...

- d

... -e

He .

.. is ' ,

... great.

Acc. Prop. <

| Rajaakan ...

- a

... -e

He ..

is .

.. a king.

\

L Hijiilen ...

~ a

... -e

He ..

...came, ;

II. — Category .

Pronom.S . Cop.

Fred.
There is

Suty. Pred.

1. Existence Pormesor ... mena ... -i ... -a

f Soma ... ner© mena -i ... -a

2. Presence [ goma

... ner ... -i ... -a

Siihj, Pred . Pronom.S. Cop. Possess. Aff. Possessor.

( Sadommeni ... -i ... -a ... -ta ... -mg

3. Possession < Possessor. Possess, Aff.Sv.lj. Pred, Pronom.S.C'op. 1 > j . tave '

L Aifi ... •& ... sadom mena ... -i ... -a 1 J

Snty. Sulj. Pred .
a God or God ... exists.

Soma ... Is here.

Dir. Olj.
, a horse.

This table shows at a glance how difficult it is for a beginner to
translate the English Verb to be always correctly into Mundari. Yet
it is most important that in this matter mistakes he avoided beoause the
use of the wrong Copula or the use of mend instead of the required
Copula will frequently change the meaning of the proposition, v.gr.—
Horo mend- ia means — There is a Munda here, or the Munda is present.
Horo tan-i means — He is a Munda. Horo-a-e means — He can speak
Mundari.

The correct translation of the Verb to be is increased still more by
a rule which I did not state above. It is this

Concrete Nouns denoting states, offices, and occupations may
in certain cases stand as Predicates, and are then connected with the
Subject by means of the Copula tan. This happens whenever the
speaker intends directly to point out, not the state, office or occupation
denoted by the Noun, but the individuality of the person who happens
to he in that state or office. Thus the question: What is that
man? is answered by Rajaatokw, Munda akanae, das iakanae,
etc. He is a king, he is a village-chief, he is a servant, etc.
But the question Who is that man ? is answered by Raja tani,
Munda tani, dasi tani, etc. He is the king, he is the village-chief,
he is the servant, etc. The reason of this difference in construc-
tion is clearly based on the principles exposed above concerning
the logical nature of Predicates. In the first set of answers the

xlviil

INTRODUCTION*

Predicate directly points out mere accidental modifications of the
Subject in answer to a question concerning the state, office, etc., of the
Subject. These answers are therefore Accidental propositions . In the
second set of answers, on the contrary, the Predicate points out
primarily aid. directly the individuality of the Subject. In them the
words raja, mwida, dasi are like Proper Nouns. The sentences are
equivalent to — That man is the one who is king ; that man is the person
who is village-chief. The qualifications denoted by the Nouns are
here used only for the purpose of clearly pointing out the individual.
Hence these sentences are Essential propositions. In English the
Definite and Indefinite Articles will often point out the nature of such:
Predicates, and thus serve as a guide to the correct use of the Copula,
P.gr., in— He is the king, the Article shows that here the personality
of the king is primarily pointed out ; whereas in — He is a king, the
Article shows that the dignity or office is primarily insisted on.

Methods of connoting the relation between Transitive or Intransitive
Predicates and their Direct or Indirect Objects .

Transitive and Intransitive Predicates always denote actions in
their concrete circumstances, real actions. Even as w© cannot
conceive a real act of seeing without referring it to some subject who
does see, so can we not conceive that aGi without thinking of some
object or another which is seen. Similarly, the real act of giving
implies not only an object which is given, but also a being to whom
that object is given* Thus real actions have always one or two termini .
These are the so-called Direct and Indirect Objects .

The relation between Transitive or Intransitive Predicates and their
Objects bears therefore the same character of a logical necessity as the
relation between Subject and Predicate.

Organic languages denote this relation by means of special Case
desinences in Nouns and Pronouns denoting the Direct and Indirect
Objects. In the Predicate itself there is nothing indicative of the
relation* . V : :

Direct Objects are marked as such by the Accusative Case desinences,
v.gr.y Bex mittit ministr-^w. Hex mittit mlnistr-os.

Indirect Objects are marked by the Dative Case desinences or by
special Demonstrative words (Prepositions and a Case desinence), v.gr, 9
Eex dat peeuniam ministr-o. Eex aceepit nuntium a ministry.

THE MUNDAEX PROPOSITION,

xlix

Modern Organic languages in which the Case desinences have partly
or almost wholly succumbed to the action of phonetic decay hay© chiefly
recourse to current Demonstrative words for the purpose of signifying
this relation. Besides the use of Case desinences or of current Demon-
strative words, juxtaposition is used; for there is a marked tendency
to place the Objects immediately after or immediately before the
Predicate. However, no very great stress is laid on this factor as an
exponent of the relation.

In Mundari , on the contrary, the position of the Objects is the sole
exponent of the relation ; for no kind of affix is ever added to any
Noun or Pronoun for the purpose of signifying it.

On this point Mundari differs not only radically from Organic, but
also from most Agglutinative languages. It is not satisfied with mere
immediate juxtaposition, but it inserts Pronominal Direct and Indirect
Objects into the very body of the Predicate-word. Even as the menial
Object is conceived as a necessary complement of the concept denoting
the action, and thus coalesces with that concept into one complete
mental Predicate, so does the spoken Object in Mundari coalesce with
the term denoting the action into one single Predicate-word.

The Pronominal Objects are inserted according to the following
rules : ■—

(1) In the Definite Present and the Definite Imperfect they

stand between the root and the Tense-suffix.

(2) In all the other Tenses they stand between the complete

Tense-form and the copula.

The inserted Pronouns are always the unmodified bare root-
forms—

Predicate,

- * s

Root. Dr. O’fav Tense -suff. Cop. Subj.

D. Pr. Lei - ho - tan- a - ing,— I am seeing them now

D. Imp. Lei - ho - tantaehen- a - ing,— I was seeing them then.

Predicate.

K - —

Root. Tense-suU, Dir, Ob. Cop. Subj,

1

INTRODUCTION.

As already stated, in all Imperfect Tenses the Pronominal Subjects
axe by preference inserted between the original Tense-suffix and the
generic Imperfect suffix taeken. Thus—

f Lel-ko-tan taeken-a-z^

1 saw them then ••• or

( Lel-ko-tan-^-taeken-a.

^ LelkecV-ko-taeken-a-Wf
I had ' seen them *•* < or

C telke&'-ko^^-fcaeken-a.

In this kind of Mtmdari proposition therefore all th© purely logical
relations, viz,, those between Subject and Predicate as well as those
between the Predicate and its Objects, are welded together into on©
polysyllabic word, and this word constitutes the whole proposition as
such* Any additional words which may be met with are mere explana-
tions of either the Pronominal Subject, or the Predicate, ■ or the Pro-
■ nominal Direct and Indirect Objects*

As a physical imitation of the mental judgment, this is no doubt
driven as close as possible. In itself, however, it is not a perfection ;
for it renders language heavy and sometimes obscure. Thus, for
instance, whenever th© Pronominal Subject and Direct Object are in the
^ same Number and Person, the Mundarl proposition is ambiguous,
though either of the two be explained by an additional Noun. Raja-#
lelked-*-a may mean “ the King saw him ” as well as “he saw the King*”
This construction is another proof that the Kholarian mind has so far
been de facto unable to grapple successfully with the mind’s higher
abstractions and the eonnex problem of translating these into clear and
easy language. It exhibits him in a way as unable to clearly formulate
th© abstract concept of action on the one hand and the abstract concept
of the Objects or termini of action on the other. He cannot pronounce
th© word to see without at the same instant naming in a way the object
seen. That this is so is shown by the fact that the Pronominal Objects
must be inserted even if the Object is named by some separate Noun or
Pronoun in the proposition, v. gr I saw the servants,— Dasiko-mg
lelked* -So- a. In this respect, then, the , Kholarian resembles the Red
Indians of America, whose languages are similarly tied down to a
slavish imitation of concrete realities.

The following facts seem to indicate that the Kholarians themselves
feel this method of expressing the relation between Predicate and
Objects as inconveniently heavy : — . / .

•*' ‘ (!)'■ If the principle on which the insertion of Direofc and Indirect
1,1 Objects .-undoubtedly rests were carried out to its' entire extent, -then a

THE MUNBARI PROPOSITION. M

number of Predicates would have to insert two Objects, via., a Direct
and an Indirect one at the same time. I give these horses to them would
therefor© stand thus : Ne sadomko-ing om-ko-ako^n^ But it was
evidently felt that this would be overloading a word and throwing the
Tense-suffix too far from the root it specifies. Hence two Objects are
never inserted into one and the same Predicate. The speaker in such
eases is free to insert either the Direct or the Indirect Object. One of
the two must occupy a separate position outside the body of the Predi-
cate. Hence either Ne sadomko- ing om-#fo>-tanaing (here the Indirect
Object is inserted) or Ne sadomko akota- ing om-^tanaing (here the
Direct Object is inserted and the Indirect Object stands before the
Predicate in the shape of an emphatic Personal Pronoun aho with the
suffix td 9 to).

(2) The logically correct practice of distinguishing 1 ndireot
Objects by the prefix a , to, from Direct Objects is found to interfere
too much with euphony in most Tenses. Hence in the Simple Pash,
instead of leaving this prefix immediately before the Pronominal
Object, they throw it before the Tense-suffix. Thus in the sentence
I gave it to them , we get om-r/-ked-/co-aing instead of omked-afo?-
aing. This transposition is made no doubt because omkedaho is by
itself alone a complete proposition, where ko is Subject and a Copula
and it means they gave it . Since this compound would call up that
judgment in the mind before the addition of the intended Copula a and
the Subject ing would be pronounced in omkedakoaing , they had
recourse to the transposition of the prefix a in order to avoid that
inconvenience. But the form om-tf-ked'-fto-aing is never used in its
entirety. From the fact that a belongs to the Pronominal Object
there arises an instinctive hurrying over the Tense-suffix Jced, and this
brings about the elision of the two first letters, k and e . Hence the
current form om-tf-d'£e-aing instead of omaked'koaing.

In the insertion of the 1st and 3rd Persons Singular, viz., ing and
I the Mundas of some districts go a step further in the way of allevi-
ating the overloaded Predicate. By rapidly passing over the letter i*
and compensating for it by the peculiar jerk represented, by the
graphic sign (') they obtain the forms oruamae and omarne, instead of
omadmae and omadiae ,■ — H© gave it to me and he gave it to him „ This
process is in its way as strongly Organic as anything we meet with in
the treatment of the formative or demonstrative elements by the
Aryan languages ; for here the whole Tense-suffix is sacrificed to the

lit

INTRODUCTION.

principle which requires the insertion of the Pronominal Object into the
Predicate. Most Mundas, however, find this process too much for their
Agglutinative instincts* and they stick to the forms omatfina and
onaarfia.

. , The other Tenses in which the Pronominal Objects stand after the
Tense-suffix do not lend themselves to the above transposition and its
consequent elisions. The Perfect Tense-form om-akad cannot afford an
additional a before a had : Om-a-akacV/jo aing would be more heavy even
than om-akad-a/m-aing.

In the Indefinite Present omjttcl and the A nterior Past omled the
transposition would present no more difficulty than in the Simple Past
embed. But then the result would be that these three tenses become
identical in form ; for the elision of ja and b in om-fl-jad'-^o-idng and
om-#-led'-/*o-aing would lead to om-ff-rt'-fco-aing, which is accepted as
the Simple Past form.

Now 7 what does the Munda do in these cas- s ? Bather than throw
his troublesome Indirect Object entirely outside the Predicate, he
sacrifices the Prefix a, to, completely and leaves to the listener the
trouble of discovering from context or circumstances whether the Simple
Personal Pronouns inserted into these Tenses are then and there Direct
or Indirect Objects. Hence —

Omjad f -£o-aing may mean — I gave them (to some one), or 1 gave it to them ,

Omled *£o-amg may mean — I first gave them (to some one), or I first gave it
to them.

Omakad / -£o*aing may mean — I have given them (to some one), or 1 Lave
given it to them.

The other relations which may arise between the various terms of
a proposition are relations of space, time and manner. They are
denoted by Postpositions, so-called Adverbs and Numerals. They need
not be considered here in detail because the manner in which they are
signified does not affect the essential outlines of the proposition.

If bow we want to apply the Organic grammatical terminology to
1.1 e Kholaran mode of signifying the relations arising directly cut of

THE MUM DAM PROPOSITION.

liii

tbe nature of a judgment, we shall be led to a couple of statements
which must at first sight shock our accepted grammatical notions —

I . — Mundari Nouns , Pronouns and Adjectives have no Nominative, no
Accusative, and no Dative Case. For whatever meaning we may attach
to the term Nominative , we must admit that it does not apply to
Mundari Nouns or Pronouns. If by Nominative we mean only that
material word-form which has arisen out of the combination of the
Original Nominative Affix with the Noun’s root or theme, as, v.gr
rex, munis, in contradistinction to the theme, and the other Case-forms,
such as regie, regem , the term cannot be applied to Mundari Nouns and
Pronouns because such forms as Root plus Nominative Affix or Theme
plus Nominative Affix do not exist. However, that is hardly the real
meaning of our term ; for we do not say that all the Nouns
and Pronouns of a dictionary stand in the Nominative Case ,
although they there appear in the same form which they have
when standing as Subject of a proposition. What we really mean
to designate by tbe term Nominative Case is the function which that
particular word-form performs. This function consists in pointing out
the Noun or Pronoun as the real Subject of a given proposition, and
it is therefore part of the Organic method of denoting the relation
between Subject and Predicate. But there is no suffix in Mundari
whose function it is to point out any Noun or Pronoun as Subject of the
proposition. Nouns and independent Pronouns do not assist by
anything in their form to denote the relation between Subject and
Predicate. The real grammatical Subject in the Mundari proposition
is the Personal or Impersonal Pronominal suffix, which stands either at
the end of the Predicate or immediately before it. Additional Nouns
or Pronouns are, strictly speaking, only specifications of the Pronom-
inal or real Subject. In dasi hijulenae the word “ hijulenae ” is the
grammatically complete proposition ; dasi explains the Pronominal
suffix <?, as though we said he, namely, the servant, came.

The same remark applies to the terms Accusative and Dative; for
the whole denotation of the relation between Predicate and Direct or
Indirect Objects is exclusively performed by the inserted Pronominal
Ob j ects.

In certain cases where the Indirect Objects are thrown out of
the Predicate, they are pointed out as such by Postpositions denoting
clearly a relation of space. Hence if a Case at all, it is a Locative of
motion.

Mf

INTRODUCTION.

Add to this the very peculiar manner in which the Organic
Genitive Case is split up into five different forms, four out of which are
pure Locatives and only one a genuine Possessive Case » F. gt\—

Tins house of the servant, — Dasi-d ora. The beasts of the forest, — Bix-ren
Jonfcuko.

The cattle of the servant,— urfko. The trees of ike forest,— Bir-
red darn.

A ring of gold,* — Sam vom-rd mudam.

If, then, we want to force the terms Declension and Case on
Mundari Nouns and Pronouns, we should say that the whole Mundari
Declension consists of a Possessive Case , an Instrumental Case , and a
certain number of Locatives of rest or motion .

To say that the Nominative, Dative and Accusative are identical in
form is meaningless. If the term Case be insisted on, the bare root-
form of Nouns might be called the Indeterminate Case, inasmuch as
that form does not perform any function as regards the denotation of
relations. This form may in a certain very restricted sense b© called
an Equivalent of Organic Nominatives , Datives and Accusatives.

II. — If we take the term Case as denoting, not a particular word-
form, but the grammatical function of signifying the relation between
Predicate and Direct and Indirect Obj ■ is, then we may say that in
Mundari Transitive and Intransitive Predicates have, besides Voice,
Mood and Tense also an Accusative and a Dative Case . Furthermore,
since the relation between Subject and Predicate is exclusively denoted
by the Pronominal Subject, we might say that they have also a
Nominative Case .

III. — The term Verb denotes a class of words exclusively denoting
states or actions as referred to a subject of agent. We associate with
it at the same time that peculiar Organic process which is called
Conjugation . But Mundari has no particular class of words restricted
to that function nor has it a conjugation in our sense of the term.

Mundari equivalents of our Verbs fall under the head of Accidental
Predicates as regards their nature, and the mode of connecting them
with their Subject is the same as that by whioh simple Adjectives are
connected with the Subject. Hence the term Verb can in no sense be
applied to them. Those equivalents represent a mere grammatical
function . They are Predicates . To distinguish them from ordinary
Adjectm^pTQ&ioBim the qualification Transitive or Intransitive is added

THE MONDAKt PROPOSITION. lv

to them. Hence the term Transitive and Intransitive Predicates is in
these pages substituted for the word Verb,

So much for the more striking differences existing between the
internal relations of the Mundari and those of the Organic proposition.
If now we consider the proposition as a whole, we find that in that
respect too Mundari differs strongly from the Aryan methods.

Besides the Simple Proposition, we have in Organic languages
Compound Propositions or Sentences. In these there is one Principal
Proposition with its own Subject and Predicate and one or more
Subordinate Propositions with their own Subjects and Predicates.
V. gr., the man (Subj.) who {Subj.) gave iPred.) you this letter is
an Uraon ( Fred .). Though this sentence signifies but one single
judgment or mind-picture, it contains two Subjects and two
Predicates. We understand that the whole of the above Relative
Clause is but an explanation of the real or Principal Subject of the
judgment.

But the Munda never tolerates more than one Subject and one
Predicate in even the most complex proposition. Subordinate clauses
with special Subjects and Predicates can never occur in a Mundari
Proposition. It is here that he brings into play his numerous
Tense-forms. By using them either with a Substantive, an Adjective
or an Adverbial function he obtains compounds which, with or
without additional suffixes, render any of onr subordinate clauses.

It is exceedingly difficult for a foreigner to translate compound
Organic sentences fluently and correctly into Mundari : when he has
acquired a certain facility in this matter, he may not yet flatter himself
with the idea that he will understand all those perplexing compounds as
fast as they drop from the Munda’s lips. Often and often he will have
to acknowledge to himself that he does not know what his interlocutor is
driving at, though every word of the sentence sounds familiar to him.
Nothing but a prolonged intercourse with Mundas can help him over
this diffi culty. To get into a correct rendering from English into
Mundari, the following is the safest and the shortest method, though
apparently rather long. First, translate your subordinate clause into a
complete Mundari proposition; then cut off the Copula and the Pronom-
inal subject; finally, place the remnant thus obtained in its proper
place of the Mundari principal proposition. Ex,, “The man teho
brought this letter is an Uiacn.” Since there are no Relative Pronouns

IKTROD^CTION.

Ivi

in llundari, all English Relatives must be replaced by corresponding
Personal Pronouns/ Hence Who brought this letter becomes he
brought thh letter, — N e chiti-e (Sub,) auked-a (Pred), Throw out e
and a and you obtain Ne chili miked, these three words being a
qualitative of the Subject : The man , horn, precede that word.

Pred. Cop. Pr. Sub].

XJraon tan -x

The man who gave this letter to you is a Hindu. He gave this letter to
you — Ne ehiti omad'me-a-e. Out oil' the Oop. a and the Subj. e;

Subject, Pred. Cop. Pr. Subj.

a * >

Ne chiti omadbne boro Piku tan -£

I saw the men who beat him . They beat him, — dalM-a-ko (here i is the
Pronominal Dir. Object). Outt off the Copula a and the Pron. Subj.
ho* Hence —

Direct Object. Predicate. Cop. Subj.

Dalki Ixoroko lelked'ko - a - ing

or Dalki koroko-ing lelked'koa. Literally , the .him having beaten men
I saw them.

An additional difficulty arises in other kinds of subordinate
clauses where the Tense-form, severed from its Copula and Pronominal
Subject, requires other modifying suffixes. This of course presupposes
a knowledge of the functions performed by the various Postpositions.
In those propositions we meet turns which defy every attempt at
anything like an approximative^ literal translation into English,

A last peculiarity of the Mundari proposition is the absence of the
so-called Oratio obliqua or Indirect Speech, The words of a third person
ai© always left in the direct form. This necessitates the eo-ordin*
ation of two complete propositions into one sentence. It is the only
instance of a Mundari sentence containing two Subject hoc Predicates ,
and two Copulas*

Bence—

Subject.

Ne -chiti auked boro

THE MUNDARI PROPOSITION*

Ivii

The sentence He said he would come to-morrow must, in Mundari,
b© turned as follows : I will go to-morrow, saying he said,-~Gapa-ing
sen -a mente (saying) kajilfi~e.

He affirms that he never saw you , becomes* /never saw him, saying he
affirms. This construction is very simple in itself. It eliminates" the
last trace of the troublesome sequence of Tenses from the syntax* But it
requires some attention on the part of the foreigner to make the requi-
site transposition of words when he translates from English into Mun-
dari. A slight mistake in this matter would make him say what he
never intended to.

It will readily be perceived that the method to be followed in a
Mundari grammar must differ widely from that which is usually
followed in the elementary grammars of Organic languages. A
rigorous adhesion to the divisions and classifications of time
grammars would create difficulties where there are none, and give the
appearance of anomalies to forms and constructions which are but tie
logical consequences of the principles on which the language is based.

As regards the terminology used in Organic grammars, very little of
it applies to Mundari if taken in its current meaning. It is to be hoped
that the rapidly increasing study of non-Aryan languages may soon
create a rational terminology which will be applicable to Isolating and
Agglutinative as well as to Organic languages. This ought not to pre-
sent great difficulties if the terms to be partly selected and partly
created be based exclusively on the functions performed by the vaxious
Predicative and Formative or Demonstrative elements and on the
ideal relations existing between the constituents of a judgment ; for
functions and relations being purely mental and abstracting from the
material word-form, are fundamentally the same in all languages.

Some of our terms, such as Noun and Pronoun , can hardly be
objected to from that point of view ; whereas others would undoubtedly
have to be modified. Thus Adjectives are not always mere qualifying
additions to Nouns, because they may stand as Predicates of a pro-
position. The term Verb is unfortunate even in Organic languages,
since it really indicates neither a grammatical function nor the outward
form of the particular class of words it designates. The mere fact of
their occurring more frequently as Predicates does not entitle those
words being called the word par excellence . Functionally it belongs
to the same class of Predicates to which ordinary Qualifioatives
(Adjectives) belong. Adverb is a very inadequate term even in those

A 8

INTRODUCTION'.

lviii

languages which use the term Verb. For it there is applied not
only to words which modify Verbs, but also to words which modify
Adjectives, i\ gr., slightly bitter. Preposition and Postposition again
do neither touch the function nor the form of the class of Demonstra-
tives* they designate. They merely point out their relative position
with regard to other words.

A oommon terminology serving to give an accurate analytic
description of the proposition in all languages may appear to offer more
serious difficulties owing to the very divergent methods used by
different groups of languages for the purpose of expanding, explaining
or modifying either the Subjeot or the Predicate. If, however, the faot
that the most complex and complicated sentences of any language have
always only one main Subject and one main Predicate and that everything
else in the sentence is for a particular purpose grouped around these
two essential constituents,— if, I say, this fact were made the exclusive
Basis of the common terminology, the difficulty would be found more
apparent than real. But until a universal terminology be really
adopted, the creation of new terms for a comparatively insignificant
language, such as Mundari is, would probably cause more confusion
than the use of the Organic terms with such modifications in their
current meanings as the character of Mundari necessarily implies.
Thus, v. gr., the terms Noun, Adjective, Adverb , etc., must he understood
to denote, not word-forms, but simply grammatical functions. Clause
never denotes a subordinate proposition with a Subject and Predicate
of its own, but merely a compound word with or without additional
words whioh stand as mere Qualificatives or Modificators or Expan-
sions of either Subject or Predicate.

That in Mundari Etymology and Syntax coincide, so to say, com-
pletely is evident enough. Hence a division of the grammar into
Etymology and Syntax is out of the question. The method best
adapted to the character of the language appears to be the following : —
The whole subject is divided into four parts—

The First Part treats of the so-called Demonstratives. Begin-
ning with the Simplest Demonstratives, it gives their
signification and shows how the simple forms concur to form
Compound Demonstratives. It contains eight chapters,
viz., (1) Definite, Indefinite, and Interrogative Demonstra- :
tives used adjectively, (2) Personal Pronouns, (3) Definite
Indefinite, and Interrogative Pronouns, (4) Postpositions*

GRAMMATICAL METHOD AND DIVISION.

iiac

(5) Numerals, (6) Words used adverbially, (7) Conjunc-
tions, (8) Interjections.

The Second Part shows bow Simple and Compound Demonstra-
tives concur with Nouns and Pronouns to form compounds
equivalent to Organic declensional or Case-forms. # The
formation of Possessive Adjectives and Possessive Pronouns
as well as of certain Nouns falls in naturally with, the
subject-matter of tbis part. To this is added a word on
tbe degrees of comparison in Adjectives.

The Third Part treats of tbe manner in which Demonstratives
concur with Predicative roots to form equivalents of
Organic con jugational forms. It considers these compounds
as Transitive or Intransitive Predicates, and therefore
comprises chapters on Mood, Voice and Tenses. It considers
them next as performing various other functions with or
without additional Demonstrative suffixes.

The Fourth Part explains how the Tense-forms are used as
subordinate clauses in propositions.

A few necessary remarks on the Mundari vowels and consonants, and
on grammatical Gender, Number, and the distinction between living
beings and inanimate objects precede the first chapter of the Pirsfc Part.

MtJNDAEI TOWELS AND CONSONANTS.

The vowels a, e, i, o, n are pronounced as in Latin or German.

Any two vowels may stand side by side : ae, ai, ao, cm, ea, ei 7 eo, eu 9
©to. When thus occurring together each vowel retains its original
sound. Fusions of two vowels into a new sound, such as occur, v. gr. y
in the English word broad , do not exist, nor are two vowels together
used to form a long one. Each vowel is either long, short, or neutral,
i.e. } so short that it is difficult to distinguish between an a and an e*

All the vowels may be nasalized. In that easel use the mark n after
the vowels, v. gr. 9 anfi , a fig-tree ; chenre, a bird. They occur only before
4 and r.

The semi- vowels y and w are rare, y is used only instead of
e when this occurs between two vowels, v. gr., logon g for loeong , a rice-
field. tv takes the place of o between two vowels, v. gr. f heiva for heoa,
accustom.

The consonants /, a?, and s do not exist.

g is always pronounced like the g in good, never like the g in

George .

j is a purer sound than the English j\ It may be] said to stand
between the German and the English j ; but it has nothing of the
French j. The same remark applies to eh.

d and t are pure dentals as in German, hence different from the
English sounds.

r is always pronounced distinctly as in German, never like the
affected French guttural.

s is a sharp palatal rather than a dental consonant.

« a) in the beginning of a word is pronounced like the English
n in never.

(2) In connection with a dental it becomes a pure dental.

(3) When it precedes the consonants g or It it is pronounced
like the n in the English ring and the German Enkel.

Bl

2

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

In this conjunction of n and g, the g is pronounced like in the
English ring when it is the last letter of the word ; but when it is
followed by another letter, the g is pronounced somewhat harder like in
the English Unger, v. gr ., dungui, short. With regard, however, to
this combination of ng and nk, attention must be paid to the following
rules

(1) When the vowel following g is the first part of a distinct
Suffix, i\ gr., the Perfect Tense Suffix akan, then the g is pronounced
like the <7 in the word English or the German word Engel, v. gr., dinga-
kuna , — full of water.

(2) When the n preceding the consonants g or k belongs to the
Demonstrative Prefix en that, then the n must be pronounced as a
distinct dental, gr., enkate~en-kate, that way or thus; inku-en-ko ;
literally, that they, i.e., those.

In this we see the instinctive tendency of an Agglutinative
language trying to preserve the primary root against even the slightest
encroachments on the part of secondary roots.

1 do not think it necessary to adopt a diacritic mark for the pur-
pose of distinguishing between the cases where the n and g or k sounds
•are preserved quite pure, and those where they are, so to say, melting
into each other, because a slight knowledge of the language will naturally
lead a foreigner to observe the above rules.

Besides the n described above, there exists in Mundari the so-called
n monilU. This I write n. It is used when the Pronoun aing or
ing of the first Person Singular is followed by the Suffix d , v. gr., the
Possessive aihd, to me or of me, my ; kaihd , — 1 won’t.

To the above consonants must be added the cerebrals d, f and r,
which is readily interchanged with d. W© might add n, which is
used to transform ordinary vowels into nasals before d and r.

h occurs both in the beginning as well as in the body of words,
f* gr., horo, man ; mahara, cowherd.

Moreover, all consonants may take the aspirate ; hence dh and
4 h f th and fh, ©to.

It is a curious fact that the Mundas of the Mankipati districts,
who are generally not acquainted with Hindi or Sadhani, frequently
drop the aspirate in adopted Hindi words. \

MUNDARI VOWELS AND CONSONANTS*

8

It is difficult for most Europeans to get into a correct pronunci-
ation of the aspirate consonants, and especially of the cerebrals d, t, r,
and n* But it is, 1 belie?©, quite impossible for any foreigner to acquire
a perfectly correct pronunciation of the peculiarly checked vowels which
occur so frequently in Kholarian languages* Ail the vowels may be
thus checked* This peculiar sounding of the vowels may be described
as follows : The pronunciation of a vowel, commenced in the ordinary
way, is suddenly checked by a rapid partial contraction of the muscles
used in its formation, and then, by a relaxation of those muscles the
breath or sound is allowed to flow out without receiving any further
modulation.

This process gives to the vowel the sound of two vowels, of
which the first is very distinct, smart, and short; whereas the second
sounds somewhat like a slight short echo of the first. I represent these
sounds by a wedge-shaped apostrophe above the letter, in order to
distinguish it from the ordinary apostrophe : a 6 i 6 u. d, a bow,
sounds somewhat like de 9 to climb de*e. The consonants b
and d preceded by vowels are frequently treated in the same manner.
For d this is the case not only at the end of words, but also each time
that this letter is followed by a h or a t in the middle of a word, v. gr. 9
ub\ hair ; med\ eye ; had\ to cut. Ked is the Simple Past Tense Suffix.
The d of this becomes d' in v. gw lelked'koaing,*— I saw them ; lelke^'te, — ■
having seen it. The consonant ¥ thus checked sounds somewhat as
though it were followed by a slight m; ub / =ub-m. The consonant d'
sounds as if it were followed by a slight med'—med-n. In reality,
however, there is neither an m nor an n attached to these consonants.
These w-and-w-like echoes arise naturally from the flow of the breath
after the check whilst the lips and tongue are still in that position in

which they were when the formation of the consonants b and d was
commenced.

The consonant t in et'kan , bad, seems to undergo the same check.
The checking of d in the Tense-suffixes before k and t seems to be
used for the purpose of preserving this final letter of a tense-form
which would otherwise naturally become t before and in contact with
k and L

These checks disappear and reappear in certain connections in a
manner which seems to be almost arbitrary. Again, some Mundas
will use them where others do not use them. As I have so far not
been able to fully ascertain the laws which regulate them, it would
hardly be of use to put down here such observations as I Lav© been
able to make,

4

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

In dissyllabic words the accent is generally on the first syllable even
when the last syllable is checked,®, gr., Ujd, a cloth; reled', squeeze.
There are few exceptions to this rule. They must be learned by
practice. I have so far not ascertained the reason of the accentuation
of the last syllable in those words. In general it may be said that
accentuation is by far not as pronounced as in German or English
Barring some very short vowels, the accentuated has hardly more
stress than the non-accentuated syllable.

The law of harmony of vowels which plays such a prominent part in
Ural-Altaic languages has comparatively little influence in Mundari.
Vowels of Tense-suffixes, for instance, never change for the purpose of
harmonizing with the root-vowel, do-akad, de-ahad, ti-akad, nu-akad.

However, some vowel-changes are evidently traceable to this law.
F. gr., the Plural knrH« used as well as kuri/ro. Again, mi- instead
of en-i? <ata

GENDER.

5

There is neither a Definite nor an Indefinite Article in Mundari*
The context in which a Noun occurs must decide whether that Noun,
when rendered into English, should be preceded by the Definite or by
th© Indefinite Article. Thus™

horo may mean, the man or a man.
hoy oho may mean, the men or men.

Remark. — The Numeral mid' or miad \ one , is often used, especially in narrations, where,
in English, th© Indefinite Article a } an or the phrase a certain would stand.

GENDEB.

Mundari does not recognise Grammatical Genders . Hence —

(1) Nouns do not take any suffixes indicative of Gender.

(2) One and the same pronominal form denotes both male and

female beings. Thus, Ac means he as well as she; ko means
^ they, Le.y the French il s or elks; ni means this one, i.e. 9

both celui-ci as well as celle-cu

(3) One and the same adjective form is used to qualify Nouns

denoting male or female or neuter beings. Thus, hugin
apu, a good father ; hugin enga, a good mother ; hugin ora,
a good house.

The only Mundari Nouns connoting sex are the patronymics? i.e. 9
words denoting family relations. The following is, so far as I could
ascertain, a complete list of those words: —

apu, father, vocative, aba ! ; enga, , mother, vocative, eang ! (aiang).
kora, man, husband ; hurt, woman, wife.

herel, husband; era, wife; ban, senior brother; misi , senior sister.
ara, son-in-law, also junior brother-in-law ; himin , daughter-in-law, also junior
sister-in-law.

hatom, senior paternal aunt, i.e., father’s senior sister, or wife of father's senior
brother.

garh junior aunt, i.e., father's junior sister or wife of father’s junior brother.
MU, senior sister-in-law.

guiram is used by men only when speaking of or to the brothers of their
sister-in-law.

nataia is used by women only when speaking of or to the wife of their
brother-in-law. In other words, women who are married to brothers call
each other nataia.

satfigi is used by men when speaking of or to the husband of a sister-in law.

Two men having married sisters call each other sadigi
boko denotes both a junior brother and a junior sister.

6

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

konjar denotes bo‘h a senior brother-in-law and a senior sister-in-law.
tenja denotes both a junior brother-in-law and a junior sister-in-law. It is
used by men speaking of or to their wife’s junior brothers or sisters.
irul denotes both a junior brother-in-law and a junior sister in-law. It is
used by women speaking of or to their husband’s junior brothers or sisters.
hon denotes a child as well as the young one of any animal irrespective of sex.
sumdi denotes both the parents and the uncles and aunts of a son-in-law or a
daughter-in-law.

To distinguish between the male and female beings denoted by the words just
enumerated, the words kora, man, and kuri, woman, are added, respectively —

boko-kora, junior brother.
tenja-kora , junior brother-in-law.
iruUkora, junior brother-in-law.
hon-kora, son.

sumdi-kora, father or uncle of one’s
daughter or son-in-law.

boTco-huri, junior sister.

Unja-huri, junior sister-in-law.
irul-hufi, junior sisl er-in-law.
hon-kuri, daughter.

sumdi-kuri, mother or aunt of one’s
son or daughter-in-law.

The word honjar prefixes the words hau and misi ; Im-honjar, senior brother-in-
law ; misi honjar } senior sister-in-law*

The words kora and Jam are more generally placed before the word
hon : thus, kora- hon offcener than h on-kora, son; kuri-hon oftener than
hon-kuri , daughter.

To complete their catalogue of patronymics the Mundas have
borrowed the following terms from the Hindus. In these words the
masculine gender is connoted by the ending a or w, the feminine by i —
aja, paternal or maternal grandfather.

daddy senior brother. (This is the
vocative of address to the Mundari
word ban.)

bara 9 senior paternal uncle.
kakdy junior paternal uncle.
mamuy senior or junior maternal uncle.
Jcukn, one’s aunt’s husband.

ajiy paternal or maternal grandmother,
also senior sister.

daiy senior sister. (Vocative of ad-
dress to the Mundari word misi.)

bariy senior paternal aunt,
kakiy juniorlpatemal aunt.
mamiy senior or junior maternal aunt.
JcuJcuiy paternal uncle’s wife.
aji-Jimar, senior sister-in-law, i.e.y one’s wife's senior sister.

JST.B . — This last is a combination of Hindi and Mundari, and corresponds to
the term bau-honjar.

There exist a few terms destined chiefly to connote the age of
domestic animals or the wort they are used for. Of these, some do at
the same time connote sex —

hardy a bulloek used for ploughing. j gundi, a cow used for ploughing.

namiki, a female buffalo, I patio,, a female goat not yet bearing.

gaia, a capon. j kahdi t a grown chicken not yet laying,

uriy denotes both cattle in general and bullocks in particular.

NUMBERS.

7

The words andia 9 bull; bacha, a young bull; gai 9 cow; bhains, buffalo
cow ; bakra, he-goat ; khassi , gelded goat ; boda 9 he-goat, are borrowed
from Hindi.

If required to distinguish between the sex of animals, the words
mnclL male, or engn, female, are placed before the Nouns denoting
animals. Thus —

Sim, fowl ; sandisim , cock; enga-sim , hen.

Sadom , horse ; sandis adorn, stallion ; mg as adorn > mare.

DISTINCTION BETWEEN LIVING BEINGS AND INANIMATE

OBJECTS.

The distinction between living beings and inanimate objects is constantly
attended to, and from a grammatical point of view is most important ;
for it regulates the Grammatical Numbers and thus plays a conspicuous
part in the formation of those compounds which aie the equivalents
of Organic Declensions and Conjugations.

All heavenly bodies as well as the causes of natural phenomena,
such as rain, thunder, lightning, hail, are considered as living beings :
hence the Munda says : Me rains, etc. On the other hand, plants are
treated as inanimate objects.

Grammatical Numbers.

1st . Nouns denoting living beings have three Numbers — the Sing-
ular , the Dual , and the Plural

2nd \ Personal Pronouns, i.e. 9 those which stand for Nouns denoting
living beings, have distinct for?ns for the Singular, the Dual, and the
Plural.

3rd . Other Pronouns standing for Nouns denoting living beings
form their Dual and Plural like the Nouns they stand for.

Uth. Nouns denoting inanimate objects have, generally speaking,
no Dual and Plural

3th . Pronouns standing for Nouns denoting inanimate objects have
no Dual and Plural forms.

6th. Adjectives never take the Dual or Plural suffixes whether
they qualify Noun® denoting living beings or inanimate objects.

8

MUJNDARI GRAMMAR.

Formation of Numbers,

The Singular of Nouns is always the bare root, i.e. y no suffix is
ever added to any Noun for the purpose of pointing out the Singular
Number.

king is the Dual form of the Personal Pronoun of the third person
and means both , the two.

ko is the Plural form of the same Pronoun and means they.

The Dual of Nouns is formed by suffixing king to the Singular.

V. gi\ horo, man ; horoking , two men ; literally , man-the two.
ipil, star ; ipilking, two stars „ star-the two.

The Plural is formed by suffixing ko to the Singular : horoko, men ;
literally, man-they ; ipilko, stars ; literally , star-they.

Nouns denoting inanimate objects never take the Dual and Plural
Suffixes in ordinary conversation or narration. Thus daru may mean
one or more trees. The context must' decide what number Is actually
meant* ’

There are only two eases in which those Suffixes are added to Nouns
denoting inanimate objects, viz. —

1st . — "When it is required to strongly emphasise the duality or
plurality of objects.

2nd . — In enumerations of inanimate objects. Here every Noun
of the series takes the Plural Suffix ko, even those which in English
have no Plural. Thus —

What didst thou buy? — Ghikanam kiringla'? Salt, tobacco,
rice, — bulung-Zi’o, tamaku-Ao, chauli-fto.

Head, chest, stomach, in short the whole body, is paining me,—*
B 6~ko f kuram-/cc>, la i-Jco, gota hormo-^o hasujaiha.

The Plural form is even used when any single part of the body
is spoken of as ailing. Thus — Kuram -&0 hasujaiha, — My chest
pains me.

■Remark.— -When a Munda speaks of his wife to a third person, he always uses the Plural
form of the word : hi?i, wife. This dispenses with the use of the Possessive Adjective, thus-**
Who is sick? Okoe hastitanae ? My wife,— kuri-£o.

Married women always use the Exclusive Dual form of the Personal
Pronoun when speaking of themselves. Y-.gr Ka~lmg sena instead
. of 'Keying sena , — 1 will not go. Again, any one speaking to a married

Part 1.

DEFINITE DEMONSTRATIVES.'

9 '

woman is supposed to use the Dual form of the Personal Pronoun.
V. gr., Sena-ben chi ksb-ben sena? instead of Sena-m elii ka-m sena?—
Wilt thou go ?

It... would be considered both rude and indecent were any one to
address a married woman with the Singular form of the second person.
Husbands may use the Singular form, but even they generally observe
the above rule.

The Dual form of the Pronoun is also very frequently used when
speaking of married women in the third person, V. gr. } Ka -king sena
instead of Ka*e sena, — She will not go. Hence also ni king instead of
pJ, this (woman), celle-ei;in/a^ instead of ini, that (woman), cello -lh.

This peculiarity is the more striking, because the Mundas not only
have none of the ceremonial or polite forms which abound in some other
Agglutinative languages, but they never even use any honorific
Plural or Dual of address. Am, thou is used to address superiors as
well as equals and inferiors. The reason of this peculiar use of the
Dual lies in the manner in which the Munda conceives the family,
viz., as a moral unity. Hence the wife always includes her husband in
the Pronoun of the first person. Aling in fact means literally he and X
That this is the real reason will be shown fully lower down where the
Possessive Suffixes are explained, .

Yery frequently unmarried girls use the Dual forms of themselves
in the same manner. But this is not general, and evidently arises only
from a desire of aping their seniors.

DEMONSTRATIVES AND INTERROGATES USED AS
ADJECTIVES.

1,— Definite. Demonstratives,

The following, when used adjeetively, occupy an independent
position in the proposition, i.e . 9 they are neither suffixes nor prefixes.

They stand before the word they qualify and never take any suffix
indicative of Number,

ne, this ; en, that ; han, yonder, that . . yonder ; nm-in, this much
of, this number of; niminang , just this much; min, that much, so
much; mincing , just that much, just so many.;: ■■

The forms nimin and imin qualify Nouns denoting living beings,
whereas niminang and mincing qualify Nouns denoting inanimate
objects.

. . . , . ; B 2

10

MUNDABI GRAMMAR®

Ne boro, this man; ne sadomking, these two horses; en honko, those
children; han daru, yonder tree ; niminung bulling, this much o£ salt; imin
simko, just so many fowls.

Remark,—' Tbe stronger forms hen for en, niminung for niminang and imimng for
iminang occur very often.

The forms nendwr or nendiirO} handur and handuro occur chiefly in the dialect cf the
Larkas.

Note 1 .—Ne, en {hen) and han appear to be but different modulations of one and the same
root ; the changes in the position and strength of the vowels serving to mark the relative dis-
tance of the object pointed out. The aspirate ha , placed before the consonant n s indicates a very
great distance. To point out an object that is less distant, ha is softened down into he or more
frequently into e. To point out something that is quite close to the speaker, this e is still further
weakened by being thrown behind the consonant n. Thus, then, the consonant is the unvary-
ing element of the simple Definite Demonstrative root. This n occurs in many compounds both
as infix and suffix as a specifying or limiting agent. The power of expressing proximity or
distance by mere vowel changes is not limited to Mundari, Max Muller in “ Turanian Lan-
guages ” says it is shared by several Agglutinative languages, cfr. Canarese; want 4, this one ;
avanu, that one.

2. Nimin and imin are compounds of ne min and en min ; literally, this much , this many ,
and that much or that many. In nemin the stronger vowel i influences the weaker e so as to
harmonize it with the voweH. In en min the same influence is exerted over the e by i, and
then the n being thrown out for euphony’s sake the form imin is obtained.

Hence min may be considered as a Definite Demonstrative of quantity, whether contin-
uous or discreet.

3. The forms nendtir and handtir may perhaps be a combination of the Mundari ne and
the Hindi War; literally, this here, and of the Mundari han and the Hindi udhar ; literally,
that or yonder there.

When Mundas borrow from the Hindi, they generally replace aspirate letters by the corre-
sponding simple ones. They not unfrequently add a vowel;in harmony with the root-vowel of
the adopted word,

4. Ne occurs as Definite Demonstrative with but slight modifications in a number of
Agglutinative languages.

II.— ■Indefinite Demonstratives.

N.B . — The abbreviations (1. b.) and (i. o.) stand for the words living Icings and inanimate
objects respectively.

The Adjectives marked below by me abbreviation (1. b.) are used to qualify Nouns denoting
living beings ; those marked by the abbreviation (i, o.) qualify Nouns denoting inanimate
bjects.

The following, placed before Nouns, perform the function of
Indefinite Demonstrative Adjectives, and as such never take any suffix
indicative of Number

O/co, some; ja (l- b.), any at, all ; jan (i, o.), any at all ; jeta (1. b.),
some; jetan (i. o.), some, any; mid' {miad\ mod' moiad some, one
iara t several; tara tara or Mara and taramara, many; isu, much,
many ; mo d } much, many ; isu jnira, very much, very many ; hupng or

Part I.

INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS.

11

huduring , little, few ; l ’mpuring, very little, very few ; oro % odd or ondo,
more ; jad'ka, more ; huringleha , a little, a few ; nimpirang or mmpirung ,
this little, as little as this ; jaiminang or jawunung, any amount of, any
number of.

Jh hopo, any man at all ijan kami, any work whatever; oleo honko, some
children ; Purd diri, many stones.

Remark. — The enelytic ge is always suffixed to th8 above Demonstratives in short replies
to questions, where the Noun specified by the Interrogatives inlthe question is understood, but
not expressed in the answer.

Chimin horoko senako ? How many men will go ? Purdge , many ; 0?<5

chanling omamea P Shall I give you more rice ? Oroge, yes, more.

III.— Interrogative Demonstratives.

The following placed before Nouns perform the function of
Interrogative Adjectives, and, as such, remain always unchanged : —

Oho ? What ? Chilean ? What kind or what sort of ? Chilehan ? Of
what quality? Literally , what like? Chimin? (1. b.) How many?
Chiminang ? (i. o.) How many? How much?

Oho ? is an Indefinite Adjective ; all the others are Definite.

Remark.— Chimin is chiefly used to qualify Nouns denoting living beings ; Chiminang
chiefly qualifies Nouns denoting inanimate objects. This distinction, however, is not always*
rigorously observed.

The other Interrogatives are used indiscriminately both with Nouns denoting living being
and with those denoting inanimate objects.

Note 1.— Chi is an interrogative particle used both as suffix and as prefix. When suffixed
to the last word of a proposition, it transforms that proposition into an nterrogative one
v, gr», Horoko hijutanako means,— The men are coming ; Horoko hijutanakochi ? means,— Are
the men coming ?

As prefix it is used only to form Interrogative Compounds.

2. Kan is the equivalent of tan, which, as stated in the Introduction, is used as Copula
when the Predicate of a proposition is a Noun or Pronoun, It is therefore best rendered by
the English is or it is, in its copulative meaning.

Lela means like, similar.

Hence Chilean ? is a compound of the interrogative particle chi and the Copula han, and
means literally what is it ? This Adjective then enquires after the kind or class to which
something belongs.

Chile/tan ? is a compound of three words, viz., the Particle chi, the word lela and the
Demonstrative en , that, the vowel of the latter being dropped. Hence it literally means,—
What like that ? Therefore it enquires after the quality of something.

Chimin , a compound of the interrogative chi and the quantitative min literally means ; how
many ? how much ?

Chiminang is possibly a compound of chi, min, and ena, the Neuter Demonstrative
Pronoun, that . If so, it literally means how much that, i.e., how much of that. This might
account for the form being chiefly used with Nouns denoting Inanimate objects—

Oho horo P What man? Han% f , Yonder one.

Chilean horoko ? What kind or class or race of men P Mundaleo, Mundas.

12

MUNBARI GRAMMAR.

Chilchan hoyo? Whafe sort of man ? Sedan gi esel hero , — A tall, fair man.

Chimin sadomko? How* many horses? Chiminang daru ? How many trees?

Chiminmg chanli? How much rice?

XX.— PEESONAL PEONOHNS.

1.- Simple Personal Pronouns.

The Personal Pronoun of the first person has two distinct forms
both for the Dual and for the Plural. The first of these may he called
the Inclusive , and the second, the Exclusive form.

The Inclusive Dual comprises the speaker and the person spoken to.
Hence it should he rendered into English by- — thou and I

The Inclusive Plural comprises the speaker and two or more persons
spoken to ; hence it means you and I.

The Exclusive Dual excludes the person spoken to : it comprises the
speaker and some person distinct from the one who is addressed.
Hence it means, lie and I or she and I.

The Exclusive Plural ex eludes the person or persons addressed ; it
comprises the speaker and two or more persons distinct from those who
are spoken to. Hence it means They an dl

I consider the following as the original Personal Pronouns, and
therefore as complete roots and not as mere truncations of the Emphatic
Personal Pronouns —

Singular.

1st Pcrs.j lug, I.

2nd Pers., me, thou.,

3rd Pets., h he or she*

Impem or Kent., d, it (i.o ).

Dual.

( Indus., Icing, thou and I,
l Exclus., ling, he and I, she and I.
len 9 you two.
king, both, the two.
d, both (i.o.).

Plural.

bu,
le ,

you and I.
they and I.
you.

ko, they,
d, they (i.o.).

These forms never occupy an independent position in the Proposi-
tion : they are essentially suffixes or infixes .

The following rules must be observed regarding their position
1st. — When they stand as Subject of a Proposition , they must be suffixed
either to' the Copula' or to the word which immediately precedes
the Predicate—

Fred. Cop. Sabj. Adv, Subj. Prcd. Cop.

HijWlen - a - ho , — they came. II da - ho brjiilen - a, — They came yesterday,

jy\ B, -~Th.es© Pronominal Subjects when suffixed to Mundari Transitive or Intransitive
Predicates give the latter a semblance of a conjugation. Hence beginners are inclined to

Part I.

personal pronouns.

13

always suffix them to the Copula. The Mundas by preference suffix them to the word imme-
diately preceding the Predicate. It may even be stated as a general rule that they wait
bo suffixed to Adverbs which may happen to immediately precede the Predicate. The
same rule holds good of the Negative Particle ha, not, which in Negative Propositions always
stands immediately before the Predicate, except in sentences where a Vocative of Address is
used. In that case the Vocative frequently stands immediately after the Particle ha : thus-*
ha gomhe-ling sena /—Sir, he and I will not go.

Remark.— T o every Mundari Tense there corresponds an Imperfect which is obtained by
adding laehen to the original Tense. When any of these Imperfects occur, the Mundas
generally suffix the Simple Pronominal Subjects to the original Tense-form , so as to stand
between it and the Suffix taehen. Here, then, it is infixed into the Predicate—

Dcf. Pres. Subj, Imp. T. S. Co,

Ieltan - ing taeken - a, I was seeing it then,

leltan - 'em taeken - a,* thou wast seeing it then.

Ieltan - e taeken - a, he was seeing it then.

Remark. — W hen Nouns are used intransitively to denote either motion or rest, they
take the Postpositions te, to, tale, towards, or re, in, tare , about ; then they infix the
Pronominal Subject between these Postpositions and the Copula a. Thus—

Pred. Subj. Cop.

Orate - ko - a; literally, to the house they it is, they to-the-bouse it, i.e., they go home,

Ordre - ko - a; „ , in the house they it is, they in-the-honse it, i.e., they are in the house.

Pronominal Subjects occupy the same position when they stand as Subject either to the
Predicates mend , — to exist, to be present ; tad, - not to exist, to be absent ; or. to Adverbs of
Place. Thus mend-ho-a, they are present ; bang-ho-a, they arc absent. Next means hen. ; mte
means this way, chore ? moans where % Hence nereJco-ai they are here ; nete-ho-a } —they
come this way ; ohore-ho-a ?— /where are they ?

In the existing Present and Past tenses of this kind, the Pronominal Subject stands before
the Tense-sign. Thus—

Ilente-ho-jan-a ,'— they went that way.

However, the Perfect of mend, viz., mendahan never infixes Pronominal Subjects, but
follows the general rule of ordinary Predicates. Thus, mentiahange-a-ho ,— they continue
there or here.

2nd. — When they stand as Direct Object to a Transitive Predicate in
tlio Definite Present or the Definite Imperfect, they are infixed between
the root of the Predicate and the Tense-sign. In all other Tenses they
are suffixed to the Tense-sign, so as to stand between it and the Copula—

Root of Pred. Dir. O. Tense-sign. Cop. Subj.

D. P,\ Lei - ho - tan - a - le— Pronounce leLtotanalo,— we arc

seeing them.

D. Imp. Lei » ho - hmtaeken - a - lc » lel&otan-iaekenale, —

Wc were . "seeing
them at that very
moment.

11. of lh\ T. S. X>. O. C. S.

.Past. Lol - keel' - ho - a - le— Pronounce lelked'&oale, — we saw them.

Perf. Lol - akad' - ho - a - le ,, lekkad'fcoale,— we have seen them,

14

MUNDABI GEAMMAB.

3rd . — When they stand as Indirect Object to a Predicate, they are
preceded by a meaning to, for , against , and, together with this Prefix ?
inserted according to the rule just given under 2—

Dir. O. Subj. E. O. Pr. Ind. Ob]. Tense S. Cop.

Def. Pres . Baba -ing cm - aleo - tan - a, — I am giving them

imhusked rice.

Bulung-ing om - ako - tantaeken-a, — I was then giving

them salt rice.

Eemaek. — I n some Past Tenses Indirect Objects are not preceded by a, whereas in others
elisions take place, which will be explained in the Chapter on the Past Tensas.

The Pronouns ing , me, and t undergo some phonetic changes in
certain positions —

1st . — Ing used as Subject suffixed to a word ending in e forms with
this vowel a kind of diphthong in which the e-sound predominates
strongly, whereas the % is hardly heard. At times the i appears to be
entirely dropped.

Banc3nre£«y lelked'koa, — I saw them in Banehi. Pitx teng kultad'koa,— I
sent them to the market.

Ing standing as infixed Subject (see above, Rem. 3) changes the
ng into $ before a. In this case the i of ing takes the jerk denoted by
('), and the preceding e of re or ie is no longer heard.

Oyatfrca, — I am going home. Banchirma, — I stay or I am in Banehi.

The same change of ng into n takes place whenever ing stands as
infixed Direct or Indirect Object before a —

Baimko,— they will call me. Ofceko omama, — they will give me land.

2nd. — Me standing as Subject of a proposition always drops the
vowel e except in the three cases given below : —

Pred. Cop. S.

Hasutan -a-- m , — thou art sick.

When the Pronominal Subject m is suffixed to a word ending in a
consonant, a short euphonic e is inserted between that consonant and
the suffix m —

Ne loiong-e-m kiringa chi ?— Wilt^thou bay this rice-field?

Me standing as Subject keeps the vowel e —

(I) When it is suffixed to the Copula tan in substantive propo-
sitions—

Munda tan-we?,—* thou art the village-chief.

Part I.

PERSONAL PRONOUNS.

15

(2) When it is suffixed to the words mend; to exist, to be
present, and band, to be absent, not to exist —

Mena^eachi ?— Art thou present P

W.i5.— The form rc enter is, however, also used.

(3) In the Second Person Singular of the Imperative Mood —

Hiju me \ Come thou ! Senows ! Go away !

Jtf.B .— In two cases, however, the Imperative drops the e rather more frequently than
not, viz. —

(a) When ho, they, stands as Direct or Indirect Object between the Predicate and the
Pronoun— -Ea-io-m, — call them. Om- atio-m , — give it to them.

(b) When the Particles 1:6 and le are inserted to form what may be called the Polite
Imperative— BijiU-o'm ! Do come, please ! sen^m ! go, please.

Here, however, me is oftener kept after ho. Thus hijiikome occurs more frequently
than hijukdm*

Me very seldom drops the vowel e when it stands as infixed Direct
Object. As Indirect Object it appears more frequently without the
final e, especially in the Definite Present —

Om-cm-tanae instead of onumetanae, — he gives it to thee.

Kisi-cm-tanae instead of kisidtfrcctanae, — he is angry with thee.

3rd. —The Pronoun i, he or she, preserves Its original form only
when it is suffixed as Subject to the Copula tan —

Uraott tarn', — he is an Uraon.

When it stands as infixed Direct Object , it drops the peculiar jerk
denoted by the mark (') —

Ea-i-me, — Call him.

When it stands as Indirect Object , it likewise drops the jerk, but it
still preserves the i sound rather strongly, so that it cannot be said
to form a diphthong with the preceding a—*

Om-ai-me,— give it to him.

The same remark holds good with regard to i suffixed as Subject
to the words mend and band. Thus —

Mena fa, —he is here. Eangaaa, — he is not here.

In all other cases the Pronoun i is softened down into e : hence—

(I) Suffixed as Subject to words ending in 0 , it is hardly perceived
except for the fact that. it lengthens the preceding e slightly.

M.B .— la [these cases the spelling ee is adopted instead of e. Thus; Or&tee nirjana— .
Pronounce orate,— he ran home.

IB

MUNDARl GRAMMAR,

(2) Suffixed to words - ending in a, it forms with this vowel a
diphthong, pronounced like ai in the English word aisle—

Send janae, -die went away. Kae hijulena, — he did not come.

(3) Suffixed to words ending in », o or a consonant, it is pro-
nounced as a short e —

Gumgadiria lelnamtada, Enad'doe halarigkeda^he saw on the ground a
curry-stone. Then he picked it up.

Sadom-e lelkia,— lie saw the horse.

2.— Emphatic Personal Pronouns

Singular. Dual *

j c Indus, alancj, thou and I.

1st Pers., aing, I. | (. Exclus. aling, he and I or she and I

ahen, you two.
dicing, both, the two.

2nd Pers., am, thou .
3rd Pers., ai , he or
she.

Plural,

aim, you and I.
ale, they and I,
ape, you.
ako , they.

In some tracts the simple form ing is used also emphatically
instead of aing*

These compounds always occupy an independent place in the
proposition : they are never suffixed to another word.

They are nsed —

1st.— As Subject of a proposition whenever it is desired to lay
a certain stress on the Pronominal Subject. These em-
phatic Pronominal Subjects stand before the Predicate,
though not always immediately.

To the question Senam-ehi ?— Wilt thou go p, the Munda answers Sena-
ing,— I’ll go.

To the question Okoi senae ' Who will go P, the answer will be Aing

sena,— -I will go.

Dolabu Eanehite ! Come, let’s go to Eanohi ! Ape seno-pe aing taina
nerege,— Go you to Banchi : as for me I shall remain here.

g K ^_Wbenever it is required to specify or modify Personal
Pronouns by means of a Suffix, as, ». gr., in the phrases: of
me or my, ain-d ; towards me, aing-ta ; for me, aiug-mente ;
on thee, am-re ; with them, alco-lo, etc.

Remark.- ’The enelytics do, dang or derang are very often suffixed to these emphatic
subjects for the sake of stronger emphasis, § ■

Part I. personal pronouns. 17

1. Oe is used to emphatically distinguish the subject from some other person. Hence
aitigge, amge, aSge, etc., are best rendered into English by 1 myself, thou thyself, he himself,
etc. It may therefore he called a corrective enclytic.

would be a mistake to consider the forms aingge , amge, etc., as Reflexive
Pronouns. There are no such Pronouns in Mundari. That deficiency is amply compensated by
the Reflexive Voice of Transitive Predicates —

Atge bagrauld — lie himself ( and nobody else) has spoiled it.

2. Do suffixed to Pronominal Subjects is likewise a corrective enclytic, but it affects
the whole proposition.

It may be asked— Are not the Emphatic or independent forms a ing %
am, ©to., the original Personal Pronouns P If so, the Suffix and Infix
forms, which on page 12. I call Simple Personal Pronouns, should
have to be considered as results of phonetic decay. Moreover, me and i
should, in the scheme given above, be replaced by m and e. This view
has in fact been adopted by the existing Mundari grammars as well as
by Skrefsrud in his Santhal Grammar. He gives the Singular forms
thus: n f (ng), I ; m, thou ; e 9 he or she, and says : — a When the words
to which these suffixes are annexed terminate in a consonant, the full
form is used in the first person singular and an e is either prefixed or
affixed to the second person singular.”

The following reasons show, I think, conclusively that ing, me, I,
©to., are the original and complete Personal Pronouns, whereas the
forms aing, am, de, etc., are compound words :—

1st. — A suffix ng for ing or aing cannot be said to exist in Mundari,
for even after words ending in a vowel the i is always heard except
in the one case mentioned on page 14. Thus Ka-ing sena, — I will
not go; entedoing sena,— then I shall go ; gungu-my kiringa, —
I shall buy a leaf-umbrella.

2nd . — The so-called suffix m occurs only as Subjective suffix after
words ending in a vowel, v . gr., leltana-m, — thou seest it. The state-
ment that after words ending in a consonant an e is placed either
before or after the m is, to say the least, misleading. The insertion,
of an e before the m is regulated by a definite law : it is only when
m stands as suffixed Subject that an e is inserted before the m 9 — never
after it. Thus Sar-6-m kiringa chi?— Wilt thou buy an arrow P>
never Sar-mg kiringa? Nor can it be said that this is owing to the
fact that the Subjective Suffix is the last syllable of a compound word,
and therefore prefers the sound em to the sound me ; for in the
Imperfect Tenses the Pronominal Subject is generally infixed into the
Predicate. In this position too the 0 must precede the m. Thus

' \ ■„ . ' . ' . V ■ . . . ■ b 3

IS

MUTOARX GRAMMAR.

Leltan-£-m- taikena, — thou wast looting on ; never leltan-»2^-taikena.
Hence this e is evidently merely euphonic.

Whenever this Pronoun is infixed as Direct Object into the Predi-
cate, the form me must be used after consonants, and is generally used
even after vowels: thus Ter-me-aing, — I shall throw a stone at thee ;
tam-w^-aing, — I will strike thee ; ra-wg-aing, — I shall call thee.

Again, me and not em is used whenever this Pronoun stands as
Possessive Suffix to Nouns ending in a consonant — Hon-w-kora,-~thy
son. Now, if the e of me in these cases were merely euphonic, we
should rather expect to see it before the m ; for ter-em-aing, tarn em-
aing , hon-em-kora would be more easily pronounced than ter-me-aing ,
tam-mc-aing, honmehorci . Hence it may be admitted that this e is
not euphonic, but belongs to the root of the Pronoun.

3rd. — If the original Pronoun of the third person singular were
really ae, the would-be truncated or suffix-form would indeed be e . But
in that case how explain the rise of e toe in, v. gr tan4, he is; mena-e-a,
he exists ; bang^-e-a, — he is not here ; Ranchir-z-a, — he is in Ranchi;
Ranohit4-a, — he will go to Ranchi, as well as in all cases where
the Third Person Singular is inserted into the Predicate as Direct
or Indirect Object, v. gr lel-e-am,— -thou wilt see Mm ; om-ae-aing, — I
will give it to him. The slight traces of the law of harmony of vowels,
still existing in Mundari, can, in none of these cases, be said to
require this rise of e to L The ordinary laws of euphony would,
in most of these cases, rather make us expect a lowering from i to e*
Original strong vowels readily sink down to weaker ones, but original
weak vowels never rise to stronger ones, except in obedience to the
law of harmony of vowels in most Agglutinative languages. But that
law cannot be invoked in the present case. Hence z must be con-
sidered as the original Pronoun of the Third Person Singular. The e
of ae may be considered as a weakening of this original L

Iftlu — The practice of inserting Personal Pronouns as Direct or
Indirect Objects into predicates naturally necessitates a great and
constant care to proteot these inserted Pronouns against any phonetic
decay ; for if they are to perform that function in such a position,
they must be readily recognized by the mind as really complete Pro-
nouns. But if they be not protected against phonetic decay by a
continuous and, so to say, conscious effort, they would, in a very short
time, be ground down by the preceding and following syllables of that
word which they, as it were, out into two pieces, in a manner which

Part I.

PERSONAL PRONOUNS.

19

to any but Khol minds appears as very arbitrary and harsh. Since
then the Ehiols have so pertinaciously clung to the practice of having
Pronominal Objects infixed into their Transitive and Intransitive Predi-
cates, it is natural that they should have preserved the pare original
form of their Pronouns in that particular position more carefully than
in any other. Hence it is in these infixed Pronominal Objects that we
may expect to find the original forms. But, as already stated, the
forms ing, me, and 4 are always used as infixed Direct or Indirect
Objects, and they are so used even in eases where both the ordinary
euphonic laws as well as the law of harmony of vowels would otherwise
require either an elision or a weakening of i into e.

The Emphatic Pronouns aing, am , de, etc., are, I think, compounds
of the Impersonal Pronoun d and the Personal Pronouns ing, me, 2, etc.
It will be shown lower down that the Impersonal Pronoun a may,
like any Mundari word, be verbalized, i.e., used as an Intransitive
Predicate, and that with this function it is equivalent to the English
verb to he (the Latin esse) in its copulative meaning. In the com-
pounds a-ing a~m a-e it is used with this function, and means it is.
Hence these compounds are curious counterparts of the English,
French, and German emphatic phrases : It is me, <?est mot , Ich bin es.

The explanation and analysis of Personal and Impersonal Pronouns
is, as a rule, not more easy in the Agglutinative than in the Mexional
languages. The reason of this difficulty seems to lie in the fact that
even the nomadic tribes, though ever ready to throw out old words
and replace them by new ones, stick to the more common and original
words, such as Pronouns and Numerals, almost as much as the Aryan
races. Hence we may expect to find in these forms strong elisions and
signs of phonetic decay, and sometimes we may be obliged to look for
the explanation of some forms in other Agglutinative languages which
have apparently no connection whatever with the one we may be
studying at thetime. If a Pronoun of an Indian aboriginal language
finds no counterpart except in Chinese, Japanese, or even in some
Siberian languages, this ought to be pointed out; for in the present
imperfect knowledge of Agglutinative languages, it is impossible
to decide whether such a counterpart be a proof that the two tribes
have both kept the same root as an inheritance from a formerly
common stock, or whether one tribe borrowed it from the other at a
remote date when they may have been encamped for a time side by
side, or whether it be a mere coincidence, if mere coincidences be at all
admissible in languages.- / :

20

MT7NDAB.I GRAMMAS,

^ s °nal and Personal Pronouns of the Third Person Singular,

ness Suppose ttafc language in its genesis follows conscious-

Personal p ^ Sn ^ s k°hld be admitted that the Impersonal and
and theref r ° nouns i 0 ^ P® rson are perhaps the most original

conscio 016 ^ simplest forms * • For self-consciousness implies the
element-* 1 ti? somet ^ n S distinct from self as a necessary and prior

Non-Ec" • Eg ° 01 Self is primaril y P ercei ved as opposed to the

- go i.e. t something out of and distinct from self. The first

that of n 61 Non- Ego presents itself to consciousness is

1 -nw so ^ e ' ifl lngness or bare being in its vaguest sense. But this, in

a 0 uage, is denoted by the Impersonal Pronoun. As thus conceived,

. °^~ °° ^piies neither number nor life. The Non-Ego, as

perceive m a li vm g entity, is already much more precise. It implies

-g 5 1Qasra «oh as the mind naturally conceives a living Non-

7 . g . a ^_ an individuality, a concept it transfers from the Ego to the
living Non-iEg 0 '

„ . i ^dari we find the vowels a and i used to denote these two

used to concepts. The vowel, with the highest pitch, viz., i, is

strihe IVia S1 ? na<:e * n g en eral the lining Non-Ego, which must needs
strike the mind more forcibly.

an !f" S0Un ^ mar1i0 d by (') in a and i may possibly point to
i le Petition of the simple sounds a and i for the purpose of
emphatically pointing out the objects.

v " rtainly a very peculiar faot that the Impersonal Pronoun &
of this 00 ' rr6 S l0admg Dual and • Plllral forms - Tile direct eonsequenoe

" s otte Pro “

Am additional reason for considering the Personal Pronoun i as a

SS6m3 t0 iie ia the faet that this Pronoun does not
T n a. i n er * more do corresponding Dual and Plural forms.
T ,,;r ag9S in Whi ° h tke Im P ersonal “d Personal Pronouns of

forms can rT^ 17 ^ Number and 6ende *> &*» Pronominal
idea of P ^ ^ b@ €0ns * dere d as s ™ple and original forms ; for the
1 been supera dded to the

to the orip*ir» U i C0Uce P^ w ^ ou ^ addition of a second Demonstrative
mmm -mnf ^ root 3 unless we suppose that one of originally svnony-
N* «* .prt for Ms distinct foJLn.

words \i Sa L fying ag0n *' t5ls •Znipei'sonal Pronoun is the vaguest of
Personal Pronoun of the 3rd Person Singular is a great

Part 1.

PERSONAL PRONOUNS*

21

deal more precise, inasmuch as it always points out one particular
Non-Ego and represents it as a living individual

In Yakuti a occurs as Pronominal Suffix to Verba BoehtKngk in the Yakut!
Grammar gives a as the Predicative affix to the 3rd Person Singular. But he says that this
is referable to ta which is the Suffix of the 3rd Person Singular after simple vowels and heavy
diphthongs. .

The same author gives a as a lifeless Suffix ( erstarrtes affix) in certain words, v.gr, , igiss, to
press against each other (intransitive) ikiss-a, that which is close by. Cfr. the Mundari
na^fe near nawre-A, that which is near,

Castren gives a as the real Dative Suffix in Burjatic. In Mundari a is a real Dative
Prefix. It can, I think, be conclusively shown that this Mundari Prefix is nothing but the
Impersonal Pronoun a with a transferred function.

In Otaiti a and e denote existence. In Malay the same idea is rendered by ada.

The Personal Pronoun of the Third Person Plural.

Compared with the Singular i the Plural form ho , t they, is com-
paratively vague ; for it simply designates a collection of living beings
without specifying either the number of the collection or particularly
pointing to one of the individuals of the collection. It directly means
no more than the expressions — More than one, a certain number t some .
It is therefore, functionally speaking, simply an Indefinite Demonstrative.
Now in Mundari one of the ordinary Indefinite Demonstratives is oho.
This denotes both one or more beings, whether living or inanimate.
The initial o of oho is always very short— a mere set on as it were to
the root ho . The Plural Pronoun ho, corresponding to the Singular £
seems to be but this Indefinite Demonstrative root ho. If so, the
Plural of Nouns, v.gr., Horo~fo>, kula-fo would literally mean
man several, tiger-several, i.e., some men, some tigers,

N.B.—Ko is one of the Plural suffixes in Chinese.

The Pronoun of the First Person Singular.

Since self -consciousness arises originally out of .an antithesis of the
Non-Ego to Self, and therefore implies the Non-Ego as a prior element
we may naturally expect the Pronoun of the 1st Person Singular to he
a compound word containing in some way the Personal Pronoun of the
3rd Person Singular as one of its constituent elements. For if in its
genesis language tends to follow consciousness, it would appear natural
that the mind in framing a word to denote Self should have recourse
to a method where the Non-Ego is already expressed, and thus signify
Self by means of a word containing that very antithesis of the Non-
Ego to the Ego w hich is contained in the original concept of Self.
To obtain such an antithesis in words, the creation of a word exclusively

22

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

denotative of Self is not necessary. In fact, the formation of such
a root seems as impossible as the formation of an original concept
exclusively representative of Self. All that is required is that in the
compound to he formed, the Ego he signified in some way by impli-
cation. May it not be conjectured that the Mundari Pronoun ing, I }
has been obtained in this manner ? Let us suppose this form to be a
compound of £, he or she plus ne, this or here 3 and ge, another original
Demonstrative emphatically pointing to something near. In that
case the i would point out Self as a living being , and the use of two
Demonstratives, both serving to specify as precisely as possible that
particular living being, would sufficiently imply the speaker or the
Ego himself. Thus the compound i-ne-ge would contain the required
antitheses. That this should rapidly be contracted into ing is obvious
in the case of a compound so constantly required. It is to be remarked
that ing in its sharp pronunciation preserves as much as possible the
sound denoted by ('). So far as functional precision is concerned,
the Pronoun of the 1st Person is of all Demonstratives the most precise.
Now the accumulation of Demonstratives indicated above, where
each successive root specifies and narrows down the preceding one
would appear eminently calculated to fit the compound ing for the
very precise function it has to perform.

Personal Pronouns of the First Person Plural {exclusive form ) .

The existence of distinct Exclusive and Inclusive Dual and Plural
forms of the 1st Person is met with in a certain number of languages,
such as Manchu, Yakuti, certain Polynesian and American languages.

With regard to precision, the Inclusive form le is more precise
than the Plural of the 3rd Person /h> ; for it does not simply denote
a collection, hut it specifies that collection, inasmuch as it indicates
one individual of it, viz., the speaker, and it does in a way point out
the other individuals as then and there standing in a particular
relation to the speaker. It means, in fact, I and those with me . Now
in Mundari the Postposition 16 means with, together with, along ivith.
Hence the root of which 16 is either the ground form or more likely
a modification, is a Demonstrative which in Mundari has de facto
been used for the particular purpose of denoting a connection between
or an association of individuals as well as contemporaneousness of events.

May not the Plural k ( ice , Le., they and I) be considered as a parti-
cular form or even the original form of the root to which 16 is to

PABT L PERSONA!* PRONOUNS. 23

be referred* If so, it would answer tbe special meaning inherent in
the Exclusive Plural form by designating a collection of individuals as
connected with the speaker . The connection would be sufficiently
designated as referring to the speaker by the fact of his using the form ;
and this would dispense with the use of the Singular mg , i.e., render
superfluous the formation of a compound word in which the 1st
Person Singular enters as an element.

Inclusive Plural form of the First Person .

None of the Mundari Demonstratives seems to throw any light
on the Inclusive form bu,—you and 1 .

Boehtlingk gives bu as a Yakuti Demonstrative, denoting immediate
vicinity* It occurs only, he says, in the Casus Indefinite. In other
Cases as well as in derivations the ground-forms are ba and man. In
Manehu the Inclusive Plural form is be, you and I In Sonthali it is
either bo or bon (compare this with man). This is evidently but a
weakening of ba which Boehtlingk identifies with bu. That a Demon-
strative denoting immediate vicinity should be used by the speaker to
designate both himself and those whom he addresses (i.e., those around
him), and should thus come to mean you and I appears natural
enough.

Pronouns of the Second Person .

The same Demonstrative occurs as Personal Pronoun of the Second
Person Singular in Mundari (me), in Cambodian mi, in Anamese may ,
and in Mon m'neh . Originally this, like the current Mundari Demon-
strative ne, must have merely signified proximity. Ofr., man=ba, which
are given by Boehtlingk as ground-forms of bu, still denoting
immediate proximity in Yakuti.

The dual ben, you two, may perhaps be accounted for as follows :
The consonants m and b are interchangeable, m being a weakening of
b : hence me, thou, maybe considered as a weak form of be ox me—be.
If the Demonstrative n (en, that) be added to be, we would obtain ben,
literally meaning thou, that (one), i.e., you two. Yakuti, Turkic, and
even Sanscrit Plural forms of Pronouns seem to have been obtained by
similar additions of Demonstratives which are synonymous or almost
identical in meaning.

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

24

In Mon, which has several striking verbal resemblances with
Mundari, the Plural of the Second Person is pay. This is evidently the
same root as the Mundari Pronoun pe, you. Pi, which is mentioned
by Edkins as an old Chinese Demonstrative meaning this and he, may
perhaps be referred to the same root as the Mundari pe and the
Mon pay*

If me, thou, ben, you two, and pe, you, be really only different
modulations of one and the same root, then this would be an instance
of a change of meaning attaching to a consonantal change in an Aggluti-
native language.

Inclusive and Exclusive Dual forms of the First Person.

The forms lang,—thou and I, and ling, —he or she and I, have
arisen after the Plural forms, and from their very nature must b©
compound words.

The Mundas have a very peculiar idiom which may perhaps throw
some light on the composition of king and ling . At the same time it
appears to confirm the conjecture given above concerning the real
nature of the Plural le, — they and I

The expression Palm and I has no literal equivalent in Mundari.
The Mundas do not say Paku oro aing, but they say either A ling
Pakuld or Pakuld aling.

Pahitaking means Paku and his companion. Now the expression
Paku, his companion, and I stands in Mundari thus : Ale Pakutakinglo
or Pakutakinglo ale .

At first sight a foreigner would think that in the experssion Aling
Pakuld or Pakuld aling , there is question of three individuals ; for it
literally means we two together with Palm. And in the expression Ale
Pakutakinglo or Pakutakinglo ale there seems to be question of at least
five individuals ; for it literally means we (i.e., they and I) together
with Paku and his companion. However, in the Munda’s mind each
of these phrases is a double or compound phrase: the first part
enunciates the total, whereas the second part enumerates the individuals
which make up that total. It is as though it were written and
translated thus : — *

Aling, Pakulo,— We two viz. (I) with Paku.

Ale, Pakutakinglo,— We, viz. (I) with Paku and Ms companion .

Part I. personal pronouns. 25

Remark that in the second part the Pronoun I (ing) is not expressed,
although one of the individuals enumerated in that part be the First
Person. Besides the Postposition 16, together with , requires the mention,
either explicitly or implicitly, of the First Person as the one who is
together with Paku. The reason of this omission of an explicit Pronoun
of the First Person can only he this — that the Munda considers the First
Person as already named in the idioma either explicitly or by implica-
tion. Now it would appear that in the phrase Aling Pahuld the first
person is named explicitly , whereas in Ale Pakutakinglo it is mention-
ed only implicitly . That ale in this phrase connotes the first person is
evident from the meaning of the phrase. That the connotation is
made exclusively by implication is clear from the fact that no trace of
the Pronoun ing is to be met with in ale . Nor is there any reason to
think that le is the result of much phonetic decay. So far, then, this
idioma confirms the conjecture that le denotes a collection of individuals
in which the First Person is connoted by the fact of its being used by
the speaker.

That the First Person is signified explicitly in A ling Pahuld seems
evident from the actual meaning of the Exclusive Dual, which is — He
and I as well as from the very form aling , in which ng corresponds to
the consonants ng in ing .

Presupposing the Plurals le and ale as having existed before the
Duals, let us see how the Mundas would have applied the above idioma
to the expression “he and I,” corresponding to “Paku and I.” They
would naturally place the Plural ale first to denote the total, and then
enumerate the individuals, viz., i and ing, and thus obtain ale4-ing ,
which would at once contract into aling , Le., we , viz., he and L

In this hypothesis 16 does not enter as a factor into the Dual aling ,
We may suppose too that by means of 16 the form aling was obtained —
thus, A4~lo~ing ; literally, with him L In this hypothesis the form ling
would really be a truncated form of aling.

The same idioma applied to the expression thou and I would stand
thus: Ale, am, ing , we, viz., thou and I. The elision of e before
the throwing out of the consonant m 9 and the elision of i would yield
alang, meaning literally We, viz,, thou and L It is difficult to suppose
that alang should have been obtained from amloing, thou with me .
Hence, by analogy, it is more probable too that aling is really obtained
by the juxtaposition ale i ing than from a£4o4ng.

b 4

20

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

Whatever may have been the actual process, the forms aling and
ling contain parts of the Pronouns ah or k, i, and ing 9 and the forms
alang and lang contain parts of ale or fe, am, and ing>

III. -DEFINITE, INDEFINITE AND INTEBEOGATIVE PRONOUNS.

1.— Definite Demonstrative Pronouns.

The Definite Demonstrative Pronouns are formed by suffixing the
Simple Personal Pronoun of the Third Person i, king 9 ho to the Definite
Demonstrative Adjectives ne, en (hen), and han, when the Demonstrative
Pronouns denote living beings. The Impersonal Pronoun a is suffixed
when the Demonstrative Pronouns denote inanimate objects.

Remark. —-I n the formation of these Pronouns some slight phonetic changes take place :

1. In ne-i this one (literally, this he or this she) the e elides with i ; hence the form ni.

2. In all the compounds, in which the vowels e and i are not in immediate contact, the
vowel i, influencing the weaker vowel e, raises it into i ; hence the forms nihing instead of
neking these two (literally, this the two) ; ini instead of end that one (literally, that he or
that she) ; inlring instead of en-king, those two (literally, that the two),

3. The vowel i thus produced in the Singular ini and in the Duals nihing and inking is,
by a false analogy, very frequently kept in the Plural. Rut then it reacts on the o of the
Plural Suffix ho and transforms it into u to harmonize it with i. Hence the forms inhit, instead
of en-ko, which would be the regular Plural, those ones ; nihu instead of who, those ones.

However, the regular form enho occurs also.

The i of ni is always kept in the Plural. But it does not always influence the final e
because it is itself already weakened by its position after the consonant n. Hence tho form
niho is heard, though it be not as frequent as nihu

L. bgs.

Singular.

ni, this one.

I, 0,

ned, this one.

L. bgs.

ini, that one.

I. 0,

end, that one.

L. bgs,

hani, yonder c

I, 0,

hand, yonder ■

Dual.

nihing, these two.
ned , these two.
inking , those two.
end , those two.
hanking, yonder two,
hand, yonder two.

Plural.

niho and nihu, these ones.
ned, these ones.
ink'll or enko, those.
end, those,
hanko, yonder ones,
hand, yonder ones.

JV. E— The strong form hem instead of ini never undergoes any change. Hence the Dual
hoiking and the Plural henko.

Remark.— The i, o. forms nea, ena (hem) and hana are, in some parts, frequently used as
Adjectives instead of ««, en {Jim), han* Thus iVca daru instead of ne daru, this tree, Hana
bum instead of han buru, yonder mountain.

The word leka, like, with the Personal Pronominal Suffixes i, king , ko, or with the De-
monstrative Suffixes ni, nihing, niko, may be suffixed either to the Singular or the Dual or the
Plural of the Definite Demonstrative Pronouns to form Qualificative Demonstrative Pronouns :
hence three double sets of such Pronouns are obtained, viz., one where the forms lekai(lekani),
Making ( lehanking ), lehako (lekanko) are suffixed to the Singulars ni, ini, hani; another
where those forms are suffixed to the Duals nihing, inking, hanhim; and a third where the
Same form are suffixed to the Plurals mho, inJcu, hanko*

Part I.

DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS.

27

Remark. — In the Dual rind Rural Suffixes lelaniling and lelanilo the i of n% is dropped
Hence the forms nilelanling , oiilelanlo } etc., etc. The Impersonal nect-leka-ena, likewise
drops the e after a* Hence the forms : nealeland, enaleland , etc. —

L. b.

nilelde
■. or

nilelani

\ one like
f this one.

nilehaling *]

or

nUelanling J

[two like
| this one.

I. o.

nealelad

or

malekand

lone like
/this one.

nealelad ",

or

nealehand J

[ two like
| this one.

L. b.

inUelde

or

inilelani

one like
i that one.

inilelaling 1

or ;

inilelanJdng J

! two like
| that one.

I. 0,

enalelad

or

malelana

} one like
f that one.

enalelad *]

or j

enaleland J

* two like
[ that one.

L. h.

han'delae

or

hanihlctni

\ one like
yonder
j one.

hanilelaling

or

hanilelanling

j two like
>• yonder
) one.

I. o.

hanalelad

or

kanaleland

1 one like ;
V yonder
/ one.

hanalelad 1

or j

hanaleland J

\ two like
» yonder

1 one.

nilelalo

or

nUelcmlo

nealelcad

or

neale/canti

inUelalco

or

inlilelanlo

enalelad

or

enaleland

erne, several
like this one.

some, several
like this one.

some, several
like that one.

alel ad 1 some, several
aUhma j like that, ono.

.nilelalo 1 some, several

or v like yonder

hanilelanlo j one.

hanalelad 1 some, several

or i like yonder

hanal eland j one.

The second double set is obtained by adding the Compound Suffixes
to Duals-— niking, inking, hanking . Here the Impersonal forms do not
exist —

Nihinglekde J one Niking leJcaJc in g Nihinglelcalco some

°r i these ■ or l these or i

Nikinglekanz ) W0 ‘ Nikinglekanhing J wo \ Niking leJcmko) two.

The third double set is obtained by aiding the same Suffixes to the
Plurals— niku (niko), inku , hanko —

Nikulekae “V i NiJculeJcaking „ 7:7 A , Nihulelcako

or

Nikulckani

) one like

NikulekaTctng **)

t these

or >

j ones.

Nikulekanking J

or

NiJcuUkanlco

some,seTeral
like these
ones.

The Compounds lekde (lekanz), lekad {kkand) may in the same
manner be suffixed to any Pronoun, Noun or Adjective, and thus pro-
duce as many double sets of Qualifying Demonstrative Pronouns as

there are Nouns, Adjectives, and Pronouns in the language, thus ;

Amlckde (amlekani), one like thee ; Amlekako {amlekanko), men of thy
stamp.

Remark.-— Circumstances or the context must show how the Compounds thus obtained
should be rendered into English. Sometimes the English equivalent will closely resemble the
Mundari word in its structure, v* gr., Alo lelani, one like them. Sometimes it will be an
Adjective, v. gr t> Jontulclani , a beastly man. At other times a whole English proposition will
be required to give an intelligible rendering. The Tense of the Predicate, then, is decided h®

I

28

MUNDARI GRAMMAR,

the context or the circumstances, r. gr . , OkoileHnho taikeca f Literally, which one like ones
were there ? i.e., which one (of us or of you or of them) did those who were there resemble ?
If the Adjective to which the Compounds are suffixed are Participial ones, the Tense of :th®
corresponding English Relative Clause is i-pso facto indicated, ®. gr.. Anterior Pa»t : Easule »•
Ulanlo ,— Men who look as though they had been sick, or as though they had just passed

through a sickness.

8 B -These Compounds might of course be considered as Nouns. They are here classified
as Pronouns because they are real Demonstratives, and in their formation follow the ordinary
Demonstrative Pronouns.

2.— Indefinite Pronouns.

These are formed by suffixing either the Personal Pronoun i or the
Demonstrative Pronoun ni to the Indefinite Adjectives oho, ja, jeta,
jan, jetan, eta.

The Impersonal or Neuter forms are obtained by suffixing d.

The Personal Pronoun is suffixed to oho, ja, fan, jeta, jeian.

The Demonstrative Pronoun is suffixed to oho and eta.

Remark. -1. Eta takes the Simple Suffixes ling and b > for the Dual and Plural : hence
the forms eldhing and etdho.

2 Ja with a Pronominal Suffix always takes the Endytic ge in the Singular.

3. The Suffix i is softened into * where it is preceded by a vowel. Hence the forms oios.

J<ie9 4. ^In some districts the Impersonal d hardly keeps anything of the jerk denoted hy (').

6. d is never suffixed to ja*

fi The Impersonal form of eta inserts a euphonic g between the two as ; the jerk
denoted by (') falls away altogether from the a of eld. Hence the form elaga, something

else* another one.

Singular.

L.b. olcoe,— some one.

Lo, oM,— something.

L.b. ohoni ,—some ... some.

L.b. jaege 3 —<mj one at all.

L.b. jaxfa- a»y one *

1.0.

L.b. jittur -* ome one *

Lo. something.

L.b. jetan&>- some (any) one.
Lo. jeimd ,— some (any) thing*
*j.b. H dni ,— another one.

1.0. ebagdj — another thing.

Dual,
some two,

jaling *— any two at all.
janhing ,-*- any two.

jetoJd%g 3 ' —some two.

jetanhing , —some two.

-two other ones.

Plural.

some.

ja.IjOj~-Q.nj ones at all.
janko,— any ones,

jdaho 9 — some ones.

jetanko s °~~some ones*

etdJco , — other ones.

Sometimes two different forms are used together.

Of the Dual and Plural forms given above, etaking and etdko
BT0 the only ones that are used regularly. The others are but seldom

heard.

Part I-

DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS.

29

Instead of okoko the Reduplication okoeokoe is generally used thus :
Onto hijulena? Have they come? Okoeokoe ko hijujana, — Some
have come.

JV T J5.— Ko In okoeokoeko is not the Plural Suffix, but the Pronominal Subject to hijiijana.

The Singular form olcoe may perform a Plural function in Negative
propositions. Then it generally takes the Suffix 0, even, d. gr.> Okoeo
bangkoa, —There is nobody here.

OJconi is chiefly used in disjunctive propositions. It may have a
Plural meaning ; the Predicate even in that case may stand in the
Singular. V-gr., some people can afford it, whereas others cannot
afford it ,—Okoni dariae , okonido kae daria .

The tormsjaege, jetae , jani, jetani are generally used with a Plural
function. In Negative propositions they generally take the Suffix o
even —

Jaege rdankom ! — Call anybody at all. Jetaeo banhod , — There is
nobody at home.

Remark. --Negative forms, such as, v. yn, the Latin nemo do not exist in Mundari. The
deficiency is supplied by lano 3 — not to be present, not to exist ; or by the Negative Particle
ha.

The Predicate band may precede or follow the Indefinite Pronominal
Subject, Thus Jetaeo bangkod or Bangkod jetaeo , — There is nobody
here.

When these Pronouns stand as Subject to some other Predicate, the
Negative Particle may be placed either after the Pronoun, followed by
the Predicate, or the Pronoun may follow the Predicate, In this ease
ka, of course, stands before the Predicate—

Jetaeo halo hijiijana or KaJco hijiijana jetaeo,— Nobody at all lias come.

J eland lea uiujana or Ka uifijana jetand,— Nothing at all has fallen.

Similarly, these Pronouns may precede or follow the Predicate
.when they stand as Direct or Indirect Objects. In this case care must
be taken to insert Plural Pronouns into the Predicate as [Repeated
Direct or Indirect Objects corresponding to the £ b a forms jaege 9
jetae, etc.—

Kaing lellcetVkoa jetaeo ot jetaeo kaing leZked'koa, — I saw nobody ; jaegeo kae
boro&koa or kae boro&koa jaegeo,— he is afraid of nobody in the world ; jetemdo
kaing lelld or kaing lelldj etando, — I saw nothing.

30

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

A certain number of Indefinite Adjectives perform the function of
Indefinite Pronouns without taking any Pronominal Suffix. All of
them may stand indiscriminately both for Nouns denoting living
beings or for such as denote inanimate objects. With the exception
of miad', one, any, they all have a Plural meaning. But miad' too
is construed as thought it were a Plural

Miad’, one; tar a, several ; taratara, or tatara, or taramara, pretty
many , pretty much ; pur a, many, much ; isupura , very many, very
mnoh; huring ov huring leka, a few, a little; huring huring or huduring,
very few, a very little; huring huringleka or huduringleka, very few or
a very little; kented', a great many, large numbers; plenty, heaps of ;
mer mer, immense numbers, no end of.

RBM.VRK.-A/iad:' always takes the Suffix o, and is used only in Negative Propositions. The
others generally take the Enclytic ge.

Miad’o langhod,— There is not even a single one here. Miad’o kaing
lelked’lcoa or Kaing lelleed'koa miad'o,—! have not seen a single one. Pm age
mendkoa,— There are many present. Huring huringge namtad'koamg—I got a
very few only. Mer mergeTco hundiakan a.— Large crowds are gathered."

Note. One of the chief functions of Idea is the formation of Adverbs of Manner - hence
Euringlda, etc., may be looked upon as Adverbs of Manner. All the other Adjectives
enumerated above, excepting miad', may, without taking any Adverbial Suffix, be used also as
Adverbs of Manner.

3.— Definite Interrogative Pronouns.

The Definite Interrogative Pronouns are formed either by suffixino-
the Definite Demonstrative Pronoun to the Indefinite Adjective oko or
by suffixing the Personal and Impersonal Pronouns to the Definite
Adjectives, chikan, chilekan.

Remark. — The Definite Demonstrative Suffix nl drops the i in the Dual and Plural
Hence the forms olconbing ? and oktmlco ?

L. b. Okom ? Which one ? Okonking ? Which two ? Okonko ? Which ones P

1. o. Okonea? Which one?

L.b. Chile anil What kind one ? Chikanking ? Two of what kind? Chilean,
ho ? What kind ones ?

I. o. Chikana? What kind one?

L. b. Chilekani? Whieh like one? Literally, one like which one ? Chilekan -
king ? Which like two ? Literally, two like which one ? CUlekanko l
Which like ones ? Literally, some like which one ?

I, o. QhiUham? What like one?

Pabt I.

XKTEKEOGATIYB PEGNOTJ3SS.

81

Okonking menakinga P Which two are there? Soma Pah u taking, Soma and
Paku. GUkanlco hijdlenako— Uraon chi HorokoP What kind of people came —
Uraons or Mundas? CMlekanking hende chi eselgeaking ? What were the two
like — black or fair P

The Compound Definite Demonstratives described on pages 27
and 28 may all be used as Definite Interrogative Pronouns.

4— Indefinite Interrogative Pronouns,

The Indefinite Pronouns given in the preceding chapter may be
used as Indefinite Interrrogative Pronouns. What has been said there
concerning the Dual and Plural forms as well as the Plural function of
the Singular forms holds good also when those forms are used as
Interrogative Pronouns.

Okoe? Who? frequently forms its Dual and Plural by inserting
te or ta between the Singular form okoe ? Who? and the Suffixes king
and ho. Thus okoet eking ? or okoetaking? Who (two)? Okoeteko or
okoetako ? Who ?

N.B.—Te and ta are similarly inserted into the Dual and Plural of Proper Nouns. They
thus denote either relationship or intimacy or mere companionship. Hence Somataking may
mean Soma and either Ms wife, brother, sister, or any other relation junior to him ; or it may
mean Soma and his fr iend ; or Soma and his companion, i.e., the one who happens to be with
him just now.

This idiom implies at the same time that the person whose name is expressed is the
superior or senior or in some respect the most conspicuous of the collection signified.

From what has just been said, it may be inferred how the forms okoetaking , okoetako
differ also in meaning from the reduplications okoe okoe ? or the rarely used simple Dual nd
Plural okoking ? Okoko ? Thus okoetaking ? might freely, be translated : Who with his
relation, friend or companion ? Okoetako ? Who with his family or who with his friends, etc.
What gang ? or the like.

There are neither Eelative nor Eefiexive Pronouns iu Mundari

The deficiency of Eelative Pronouns is compensated—

(1) by Transitive and Intransitive Predicates being used as

Participal Adjectives, v.gr., Hola hijulen horo; literally ,
the yesterday having come man, i.e., the man who came
yesterday ;

(2) by Nouns of Agency, obtained by suffixing the Personal

Pronouns i, king , ho or the Demonstrative Pronoun nz to
Participal Adjectives, gr Hola hijulenz , — The one
who came yesterday ;

(S) by the use of Co-ordinate propositions where we would use
a Eelative Clause as subordinate to some Principal Clause*

82

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

or by means of an appropriate question and answer, v. gr.,
Hola mid' boro Ranchiete bijulenae ; im'ge ju r&auime :
literally , a certain man came yesterday from Ranchi ; go
and call that one here ; for, go and call the roan who came
yesterday from Ranchi. Or Hola mid' boro Ranchiete
bijulenae chi ka? Ini'ge mar ju raauime? Literally 5
Didn’t a certain man come yesterday from Ranchi?
Well, go and call that one here.

The Definite Demonstrative okoni and the Indefinite okoe are
sometimes used as Correlative Pronouns to the Demonstratives m or ini.
In this construction okoni or okoe always stands First. Okoe kae boroa
inzgee senoka,*— Send some one ( literally , let that one go) who is not
afraid.

The deficiency of Reflexive Pronouns is compensated by the Reflexive
Yoiee of Transitive Predicates, v. gr. 3 Dal , to strike; dalen, to strike
one’s self.

No distinct roots exist for Possessive Adjectives or Possessive Pronouns .

The various ways in which this deficiency is compensated will be
explained in the Chapter on the Equivalents of Declensions.

Part I.

SIMPLE POSTPOSITIONS.

33

VI —POSTPOSITIONS.

These words correspond to our Prepositions ; but since they are
always suffixed to some other word, they are called Postpositions. Most,
if not all of them, originally denote relations of space. The original
meanings have besn transferred to time as well as to other relations,
which might be called moral relations, viz., such as are implied, v. gr*,
in the propositions — He died for his country. He trusts in Providence.

There are very few original roots of this hind ; but these, concurring
with each other, yield a number of Compound Postpositions quite
sufficient for the requirements of the language.

The functions of the Postpositions may be classed under four
heads—

(1) They perform all the functions of our Prepositions.

(2) They replace the declensional and conjugational inflexions

of Organic languages.

(3) They are used to form Adverbs of manner, time, place, and

[ number.

(4) They take the place of the various Conjunctions, whiob, in

Organic languages, introduce subordinate Pinal, Causal,
Conditional, Temporal or other Circumstantial Clauses.

This function is one of the chief characteristics of the language.
By its means our Subordinate Clauses are reduced to mere Qualifying
Appositions to some part of the principal proposition. Thus our most
complicated sentences can be rendered into Mundari by simple proposi-
tions, having but one Subject and one Predicate.

Detailed explanations of the second, third, and fourth set of functions
performed by the Postpositions will be given in subsequent chapters.

The present chapter only sets down the various meanings of each
Postposition, and points out the elements of Compound Postpositions —

Be (1) When used of space, generally denotes rest :

hence, when it is suffixed to Nouns or
Pronouns to denote mere spatial relations,
it must be rendered by • •• in, on, at.

Matu-re , in the village ; tak<m*re , on the leaf;

Banchi-re, at Kan chi; sadom-re, on the horse ; ord-re,
in the house, at home.

Remark 1.— The beginner must guard against restricting the use

of re to phrases where in English the Preposition in occurs. For the

* B 5

84

MUNDARI GRAMMAS.-

Compound Postpositions chetanre, etc., sirmare, etc. , are equivalent
only to tbo English— on the top of, on the summit of, on high , above.

Hence the English on is much more frequently to be rendered by
re than by ehetanre, etc.

Hbmark 2.— Me is rather frequently used where we would expect
a Postposition denoting motion towards or from (see remarks
1 and 2 under Te and remark 1 under Me),

(2) Transferred to time, re denotes both the past

and the future.

Hence, suffixed to Nouns to denote the future,

it means sot til »•« after ,

Suffixed to Nouns to denote the past, it means before, ago*

Chimtangem nia?aP Api md*re , — When wilt thou
return ? — After three days.

Chimtangem akiringkeda? Isu sirma-re ,—* When didst
ihou sell it P— -Many years ago,

(3) It is suffixed to Nouns denoting the price for

which something is bought or sold, and
means ... ... ... for .

Ne lija chimin taha-re-m kiringtada ? — Bar taJca-re,—'

For how many rupees did you huy this cloth P —For
two rupees.

Td , — The root (a denotes permanence , continuation
both in ’ space and time. This appears evi-
dent from the functions it performs (1) in
the Copula tan , (2) in the Static Tenses in ta
and tad , (3) in the Imperfect Tenses, and (4)
in the Compound Postpositions.

If this ta be used intransitively, it will mean to
continue, to last, to remain « If thus used, it
will take the Copula a, is or it is. Hence
tad means it remains , it continues.

The Postposition id seems to be nothing else
than this tad contracted.

Hence id is already a Compound Postposition ;
in form and meaning a complete proposition,
meaning it continues , it remains .

^ ART I- SIMPLE POSTPOSITIONS,, 35

Now in Mundari there are no special forms or
Suffixes to denote correlation . Hence the
absolute or simple forms ar© used also with
a correlative meaning. In propositions where
words are used with a correlative meaning,
there occur two Subjects, the second or cor-
relative Predicate being understood. Thus,
iminung means that muck. The correlative
sentence I can lift up as muck as tkou canst
is literally rendered thus into Mundari:

Thou that much lean lift, — Am iminung-ing
rimdaria .

Thus, then, iminung means both that muck and
as muck as . Similarly, id means it is {perma-
nently here or there) and there where it is perm
manently .

It is especially in its correlative meaning that
id concurs with re> te, ete (ate) to form the
Compound Postpositions enumerated below.

Thus, darn tare literally means, in there
where the tree remains, Le. 9 at the tree „

Darn t ate, literally, to there where the tree-
remains, i.e. 9 to or towards the tree .

1st.— As a'sepaTate Postposition, td is chiefly used to
point out the spot where an action is going
on. It is suffixed to Transitive or Intransi-
the Participles, and means ... ... then.,, where.

Daru ma-ta menaia, — He is there where (they) cut
the tree. Chenyeko mendfco»td*e kamitana,— -He works
there where the birds are (kept).

2nd. — Suffixed to Nouns it denotes a more or less
vague proximity, and means ... ... ... abouf> - n thf

surroundings 0 /
around.

EancU-td, about .Ranchi, around Ranchi.

S& is an equivalent of td and occurs about as fre-
quently as td.

MtJSOAHX GKAMMAK,

Pd is another equivalent of td. In the Larka
district it is used as Postposition instead of td *

In the Upper Ohota Nagpur parts it occurs
only in a few Compounds. .

Te—let— Suffixed to Nouns denoting places, such as
cotmiries, towns , mountains, etc., etc., signifies
motion toicards , and means ... ... to, unto*

Calcutta-te-king sendjana, — 'Both are gone to Calcutta*

Bir-te-ko mrlena,—They ran to the forest.

Remark 1,—Te suffixed to those Nouns denotes tlie exact terminus
of the motion towards , It is therefore not an equivalent of the
English into. Into , though denoting motion, must be rendered
by re ; hence when the above Nouns stand as Indirect Objects to the
Intransitive Predicates lolo, to enter ; de, to climb ; t iwg6, to fall*

©r their synonyms they take the Suffix re-~

Oara-te avgunjanae, — He went down to the river. But
Gafa-re, argun janae, — H© went down into the river.

Ofd-te son janae, —He is gone to the house or home. But
Ord-n bolojanae,— Ho entered into the house.

Darn -re d^janae,—* He climbed up in among the tranches of the?
tree,

SadoM-re d£janae,~ He mounted a horse,

iV*B.~He climbed or ascended the mountain may be rendered
both by lurn-te dSjanae and luru*r& d£jana.

Remark 2.— Similarly, Nouns denoting objects there and then "

considered as a place or receptacle take re and not ie when they
stand as Indirect Object to the Transitive Predicates do, to place ;
via, to drop ; au {agu) % to bring, and their synonyms. Here, again,

& real motion towards is rendered by re,—

Mej-ve dotam ! Put it on the table. Kuan-re unSkcm,— Drop or let
them fall into the well. Pindigi-re aume, — Bring it into the
verandah.

2nd * — Suffixed fo Nouns not primarily signifying
places, it denotes —

{a) Instrumentality in the strict sense, and means by, tv % t h f

through , by means
of, on, in*

Ari-fa-ko hadla,— -They cut it with a saw. Sadom*fe«
ling hijdlena, — We came on Loiseback. Kata 4&
sen#mer~*Gq on foot. sena,— We shall go

dy rail 5 we shall take the train.

Part I.

SIMPLE P0STP0S1TI0SS.

87

T«—[eoncId.)

(b) It denotes the materia! out of ■which something

is made, and means ... ... of, out of, from,

Duar daru-te-ko bales, — They make door* out of timber.

Ne eya iifa-te baiakana,— This bouse is built with
bricks,

(c) II denotes the price for which something is

bought, sold or hired, and means ... .. for .

Monye sal taka-tfe-ng Iciringked'kinga,— I bought both of
them for fire hundred rupees.

^.—Suffixed to Nouns denoting feelings, passions
or any subjective dispositions, it denotes —

(a) Cause, and means ... ... ... mi A, through,

for , on ac*
count of

ffls-te ratanae, — He cries through rage. Ea&iJca4e
k&klatanae, — He shouts for joy* Ma$u4e eklatanae, —

He trembles on account of the pain.

(b) Manner . The compounds thus obtained are

generally to be rendered into English by some Adverb

of Manner ,

or by ... ... Adverbial

phrases.

East ha 4e kamitanae,-— He works cheerfully , with pleasure.

Jfihr- In some expressions the Mundas use ie where
we would use in, because the idea of instru-
mentality, in the wide sens© of the word,
really exists in those phrases —

Wutim4e , in the name of . . . Umlul4e; literally, with
the shadow of, in the name or with the authority
of; as agent or attorney or plenipotentiary of . . *

Bup'te, in or under the (assumed) appearance of.

Note . — Te appears to be but a weak form of ta. The change of
form causing a change of meaning is not of uncommon occurrence.

Ta denotes permanence, U motion. Similarly, han t as a, Tense-
sign , denotes the present, whereas the weak form hen denotes
the past. : ■ ;

88 MUNDARI GRAMMAR,

M — Abstracts from the ideas of rest and motion.

It is used both of space and time —
f 2bL -~~ In space it denotes accompaniment, connec-

tion, association : hence suffixed to Nouns or
Pronouns depending on Predicates expres-
sive of either rest or motion , it means together with,

with , along

with .

Aling-U taiame,— Eemain with him and pie. Nik u 46
hijtilenae,— He came with these ones .

2nd . — Transferred to time 16 denotes simultaneity.

Thus it is suffixed to Participial forms, and
yields equivalents of temporal clauses to be
explained in a subsequent chapter.

Note .— Le is used as an Anterior Present and Future and Past
. Tense Suffix, This It, again, appears to be but a weak form of 16
If so, it is another instance of a change of meaning being brought
about by a change of form. Here the strong form denotes
simultaneity, whereas the weak form denotes priority.

A, — Inserted Indirect Pronominal Objects are

preceded by a simple a in the Indeterminate * * \; ;Ji
Tense, the Future, the Definite Present, the
Simple Past, all the corresponding Imperfect
Tenses and in the Imperative 7 Mood- —

Pred. LO. Cop. Subj.

0m • a * ko - a • ing,— I will give (it) to them.

Si - a * ko • a « ing,— I will plough for them.

Lei -a - ko - a - mg, — I will look at them ; I’ll keep an eye on them*

Bai -a - ko - a - ing, — I will arrange the matter on behalf of them.

Kisi • a - ko - a • ing,— I will get angry with them or against them,

gulm -a - ko - a » ing,— I will be pleased with them.

Boro • a - ko » a - ing,— I shall be afraid of them.

These examples show the various words by which the relations

implied in the above Indirect Objects are rendered into English.

The greater number of such Indirect Objects depend on Predicates
which denote a real transfer of something from one to another, such as
to give, to carry , to take to, to bring , to lend, to sell, etc., etc., and their
synonyms. In these the relation primarily implied is one of motion
in space, i.e., motion from an agent to a recipient. But to this primary
relation a new moral relation is euperadded in most oases, i.e. 9 generally

Part I.

SIMPLE POSTPOSITIONS.

39

the transfer of a right or the relation of ownership as transferred
from one to another.

The relations implied in the above examples by for , at, on behalf
with, against, and of can either be traced back to the one denoted by to
or are so closely connected with it as to be easily derived from it.
All of them are in fact real equivalents of the so-called T.nf?n
Lathes of advantage or disadvantage. In tiakoaing and baiakoaing
it is the bestowing of a certain emolument or benefit on somebody
i.e., a real transfer, just as in omakoaing. In kisiakoaing and sukmkoaing
subjective feelings are considered as directed to some one else
Boroakoaing is a peculiar idiom indeed, inasmuch as it exhibits the*
feeling of fear as directed towards some one else. In ali of them
therefore, the relation implied is a double one, containing two distinct
elements viz., (1) ^ primary relation of space, a motion from one to
another, (2) an additional relation, which abstracts from space, inas-
much as, over and above the material transfer, it implies something
pure y mental, i.e., a right or a disposition as transferred from one to
another. It is this second element which constitutes the prominent
feature of that double relation. In meet case. the element of
is much effaced; it remains as it were a mere, hardly pereeiJhl*
substratum of what might be called a moral relation. But it is all
remains a real substratum, and the moral or intellectual side of "the
expression is gained, not by a new word ad hoc, but by the simple' transAi-

of one and the same word from the material to the immaterial sphere ie
from space to mind . . , ' ***

Now, is the relation which is, in the above examples, expressed
y e English to, for, at, eta, signified explicitly by a in the Munrfn *
construction, or is that relation merely implied but rmi-
Mundari? In otter wds, ttouU V tlCl CllZTlT
example aU mm* pmomatMy bo ont up into too parts, t i“ m
the Preposition a meaning to, for, at, etc., and (2) the Simr,l a r> ’’ W
ko, they? or may it be admitted that ako is simplyone^rd
long or Emphatic Personal Pronoun ? In the latter supposition the

™m2°z ng wted Direct an3 ^objjfz^z:

(I) - J n the case of Direct Pronominal Objects, the Simple Per-

sonad Pronouns are inserted into the Predicates. In the

case of Indirect Pronominal Objects the long or Emphatic

Personal Pronouns are inserted into the Predicate in the

oHowmg lenses .• In the Indeterminate Tense, in the

40

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

Definite Present, etc., eto. In the first supposition the
rule would stand thus :

(II) — In the case of Direct Pronominal Objects the Simple Pro-
nouns are inserted into the Predicate in all Tenses.

In the case of Indirect Pronominal Objects, the Simple Pronouns,
inserted into the Predicate, are introduced by the Preposition a in
the foEowing Tenses : the Indeterminate Tense, etc., etc.

Now, the rule marked (I) appears to be a gratuitous assertion.
For —

(1) It leaves the Indireot Object forms without any intrinsic

explanation.

(2) No extrinsic or mere phonetic reason can be adduced either

for the use of the Emphatic instead of the Simple Pro-
nouns. Since the Simple Pronouns are inserted as Direct
Objects, it is plain that their use offers no phonetic diffi.
culty.

(3) It seems altogether irreconcilable with the manner in which

Indirect Objects are inserted into the Simple Past.

In this Tense the a occurs, hut it is separated from the Pronoun by
the Tense-sign Teed. Such a separation is intelligible if that a be a
separate word with a function of its own ; but it becomes inexplicable
if that a be really but the first syllable of the Emphatic Pronoun. In
the Simple Past Direct Pronominal Objects stand between the Tense
Suffix and the Copula a. Thus—

E. of Pr. Tens. S. D. 0. Cop. Subj.

Lei - ked' -lco • a - ing,— I saw them.

In the ease of Indirect Objects the Simple Pronoun occupies the
same position, but the a which in other Tenses stands immediately
before the Pronoun, and thus gives it the appearance of an Emphatic
Pronoun, stands here before the Tense Suffix hed. Thus —

E. of Pr. T. S. 1.0. C. S.

Om • a - ked - ho -a - ing,— I gave (it) to them.

On the other hand, if the rule marked (II) be admitted as correct,
then these Indirect Object forms receive a rational explanation. For,
since the relation described above attaches necessarily to Indirect
Objects and to them only, it is natural that that relation should he
expressed by a separate word, even as it is expressed in English by the

Part I.

41

SIMPLE POSTPOSITIONS.

words to, at, etc,, etc. But tlie a which occurs either mediately or
immediately before the Simple Pronouns is the only word to which that
function could be attributed in these constructions.

Two objections may be urged against the view taken here about
the nature and function of the a under consideration, viz.—

(a) Demonstrative roots denoting relations of space,, time, etc.,

are in Mundari either Suffixes (Postpositions) or Infixes.
Why should a if it mean to, for , at, etc., be a Prefix or
a Preposition ?

(b) If in the Tenses ©numerated above, the relation attaching

to Indirect Objects be expressed by the Preposition a ,
why is it not so expressed in a number of other Tenses,
viz., in the Indefinite Present, the Indeterminate and
Past Static Tenses, in the Anterior Future, the Perfect, the
Pluperfect, and in all the corresponding Imperfects P
In these, Indirect Pronominal Objects are the Simple
Pronouns, v* gr Omjad^o-aing may mean I give them
(the living beings) and, I give to them. Here circum-
stances and the context must decide whether the Inserted
Pronoun be a Direct or an Indirect Object. Since the
relation attaching to Indirect Objects is not expressed in
these Tenses, why should it be expressed in the others P

It may be replied: If these objections be real difficulties against
the view defended here, they are at any rate not only no support to
the opposite one, but go against it as much and even more ; for, to
begin with the second objection, it may be said with the same pertin-
ence : If the Emphatic Personal Pronouns are inserted as Indirect Objects
in a certain number of Tenses, why are they not inserted in all
Tenses? Why do some Tenses insert the Simple Pronouns as Indirect
Objects and others the Emphatic Pronouns ? If it be answered that
in some Tenses the a of the Emphatic Pronouns is dropped for some
phonetic reason, then that same phonetic reason holds good also for
dropping the same a as Preposition. This objection therefore does not
touch the question at all, but especially it leaves to the difficulty of the
Past Tense its whole force against the supposition of the rule (I).

To the first of the above two objections it may be replied, first,
in general, that the particular position of words in connection with
each other is not so essential as to allow, from it alone, conclu-
sions concerning the function of words, if those conclusions be not

42

Mt/NDiEI GRAMMAR.

supported by any other intrinsic reason. Second, in particular, if it
he true that, generally speaking, Demonstrative Mundari roots are
Suffixes and in some cases Infixes, it is also true that two or more such
Demonstrative roots concur with each other to express certain ideas.
In these cases, then, one of those Demonstrative roots must stand first.
Now Pronouns are Demonstrative roots primarily denoting relations
of space, just as well as the so-called Postpositions. And it is parti-
cularly true that in all propositions the Simple Mundari Pronouns
never take any Suffix. So much so that, when it is necessary, to specify
them by some Postposition, the Simple forms are no longer used, but
the Emphatic ones take their place, even there where no kind of
emphasis is required. Thus with them must be rendered by aho-lo and
not by the Simple ho-lo. The Simple Pronouns are always Suffixes or
Infixes in Mundari, whereas the Emphatic ones are always independent
words. Consequently it may be said that from the very fact that
Indireot Objeots are Infixes, it follows that those forms are not Emphatic
but Simple Pronouns ; and since Simple Pronouns never take any spe-
cifying Suffixes, it follows that, if a Demonstrative root be required at
all to specify them, that root will precede the Pronoun. This conclu-
sion derives additional strength from the fact that in the Simple Past
the a which is here described as a distinct Demonstrative precedes the
Pronoun not immediately, but mediately.

A'.— The following constructions, identical in Mundari, but widely
differing from each other in English, deserve particular attention

When Nouns or Pronouns denoting living beings depend on
Compound Postpositions, whether of rest or motion, they take the
Suffix a. But Nouns and Pronouns denoting inanimate objects, depend-
ing on the same Postpositions, take no Suffix.

It is to this difference of construction between words denoting
living beings and words denoting inanimate objects that attention 2
drawn —

Aiarre denotes rest, and means before, ahead, in front.

Aiarte denotes motion, and means ahead, beyond, in front, before

Bemam before me,— Ain-d aiarre tainme. Eemain before the tree,— Daru
aiarre tainme.

Go before, i.e., beyond me,— Ain-d aiarte senome. Go before the tree,—
Pam aiarte sen&me.

Slid.— To have and not to have are rendered by mend, to exist, and
band, not to exist, respectively. In the phrases where this meaning is
attached to mend and band, the word denoting the object or being

Part I.

—SIMPLE POSTPOSITIONS*

43

possessed, stands as Subject to the Predicates mend or band, whereas the
word denoting the owner takes the Suffix d — *

1 have land, Ai n-d ote Mend, He has no money, — Ae-a taka bmiod .

3rd.— Possessive Genitives, depending on words denoting inanimate
objects > are formed by suffixing d to the word denoting the owner —

The country of the Mundas, — Horoko-a disum.

&th. — Nouns or Pronouns take the Suffix £ when they stand as
Indirect Objects to the' foil owing Predicates : —

(a) those that denote a real or moral transfer ;

(b) those that denote the commission of a wrong to others ;

(c) those that denote subjective states of mind or feelings

towards others.

In 2nd, 3rd, and 4th we have again words denoting living beings
which take the Suffix a ; for the construction under 2nd as well as the
Possessive Genitive in £ are strictly reserved for denoting ownership in
the real sense of that term. Our more loosely used Possessive Genitives
are in Mundari all Locatives, rendered by Postpositions exclusively
denoting rest in space.

The following considerations will show — first, that this £ is a com-
plete root in itself, the same in all four constructions ; secondly, that
it is identical with the a described above, which precedes Indirect
Inserted Pronominal Objects.

The relation denoted by a in 1st is, of course, merely a spatial one.
But the a does not in any way indicate the exact position in space.
This is done by the particular Compound Postpositions occurring in
this construction, such as aiarre , aiarte , taiomre, etc., etc.

What, then, does a express? Evidently nothing beyond the very
elementary relation of externality to the speaker in the sentence aind
aiarre : in other sentences, such as, v, gr ,, Basid aiarre in front of the
servant it denotes the mere relation of externality to a subject or living
being .

In this construction, then, the intellect has not superadded any-
thing as yet to the simple element of space primarily denoted by d.
Here d may be translated very approximately into English hy~ With
regard to > Thus, Aind aiarre famine may be literally rendered by—
Remain in front with regard to me *

In the construction under 2nd the intellect superadds something to
this elementary relation, of space, viz., the relation of ownership
That the relation of space is the real substratum of the relation of

: : i

44

MUNDARI GEAMMAB.

ownership in this d is evident from the fact that in Mundari the A
may in this construction be replaced by tdre , meaning near or about me .
Thus, I have land may be rendered by — Ain~d ote mend or Aing tdre
ote mena'. This shows at the same time how the mind may transfer
meanings from the material to the mental or moral sphere by simply
superadding mental or moral to the material elements, bearing some
analogy to the latter, and that without making use of special words
or roots for the purpose.

Here, then, as in the a of the Indirect Pronominal Objects, a con-
tains a double element, viz., first a relation of space as a substratum,
and, secondly, a moral relation, ownership, implying an advantage to
a living being or subject. Here, too, the element of space is nearly
effaced, whereas the moral side is chiefly insisted on. The only differ-
ence lies in this that here the ownership (advantage) is considered as
remaining with the subject, whilst in the Indirect Object forms it is
considered as being transferred from one individual to another. But this
difference is mainly due to the different meanings of the Predicates.

The relation expressed by a in the third construction, viz , the
Possessive Genitives in d is quite identical with the one that has just
been described. This d, then, cannot be looked upon as a mere
declensional desinence, the resultant of phonetic decay, which has no
longer any meaning if taken by itself alone, but it is really a complete
Postposition of space with a transferred meaning. This is further
shown by the fact that other Possessive Genitives, viz., those depending
on Nouns denoting living beings, are formed by means of the Post-
positions + the Demonstrative #, i.e., ren or by tare + n 9 i.e., tdren.
And those Genitive Suffixes may be replaced by a ; though for reasons
given in the Chapter on Equivalents of Declensions, the forms ren and
tdren b© preferred. Thus, the servant of Paku may be rendered
'either by Pokutdren dasi; literally, the servant, the one near or about
Paku, or by Pakud dasi ; literally, the servant to Paku.

If this a be, according to the genius of the language, used intransi-
tively} it must be considered as a Participle, and becomes equivalent to
a Relative clause. Hence we get literally, Borokoa disum, the
country which is to the Mundas.

The relation denoted by A in 4ih is the very same as that denoted
by a in most of the Indirect Pronominal Objects. It is a real Datum
incommodif just like the Latin in Tibi peccavi.

Now, if the meaning and function here attributed to A be admitted,
the four constructions under consideration receive a rational explanation!

Part I.

SIMPLE POSTPOSITIONS.

45

and it is readily perceived why the a should be used in all of tnem.
Furthermore, it becomes evident that this a is in reality the same as
the a which introduces Indirect Pronominal Objects, the loss of the
sound denoted by (') in the latter being due merely to the position
& occupies when it introduces those Indirect Objects.

If the above considerations have any real value, the following would
be a correct description of a :

A' is a complete, original, Demonstrative root, primarily denoting
one of the most simple relations of space, viz., that of mere externality
to a subject or living being, or that which is implied when a subject
considers some entity as out of and distinot from its own self.

This relation is generally transferred to the moral region. The
analogy on which the mind bases this transfer seems to be the fact that
in the spatial relation just described a certain proximity to the subject
is implied, since the subject and the object are, as it were, placed over
against each other on account of the complete abstraction made of
everything else in the concept thus formed: hence the transfer to
anything which is considered as closely related to the subject by
affeotinghim directly either agreeably or disagreeably. That connec-
tion exists unmistakeably (a) in pleasurable or painful subjective
affections ; (b) in the relation contained in the notion of ownership •
(c) in that which is implied in the transfer of ownership. A

A’ (1st) Is used to form the Possessive case of Nouns
denoting living beings. In this function it
is suffixed —

(a) To Nouns denoting an owner when
ever those Nouns depend on a word denot-
ing inanimate objects, and sometimes when
they depend on words denoting living
beings. Hence it means ... 0 j

Palcu-d ora,— The house of Paku. Dasi-a talab.

The wages of the servant.

When thus suffixed to Pronouns it

yields ... Possessive Ad.

Ain- a ote, my land. Am-d sadom, thy horse.
Ae-d lija, his cloth. Ape- a disum, your country.

(6) To Nouns and Pronouns denoting an
owner, when they depend on the Predicates
mend or bano. Thus it literally means

AJco-d ote pura mend , — There is much land to
them.

• jectives.

to.

46

MUNDAKI GRAMMAR.

4' — {concluded).

But together with mend and band it must be

rendered into English by ... ... to have or not

to have.

(2nd) It is suffixed to words denoting living beings
when these depend on Compound Post-
positions of rest or motion in space or of
priority and posteriority in time. Thus it
might strictly be rendered by ... ... with regard

to.

But it has generally ... ... no English

equivalent .

Ain- a aiarre senome, — Walk in front of me.

Ako-d taiomre hijume, — Come after them (i.e., later
than they).

(3rd) It is suffixed to Nouns and Pronouns standing
as Indirect Objects to words meaning to
offend against, to commit or cause a personal

injury to, and means ..< ... against .

Abu sobenko Pormesor-d-hu papkeda, — We all
have sinned against God. Ini-d gnnakedae, — He
has committed an in jury or injustice against him,
also ; he has violated her.

{kill) It is used as a Preposition to introduce Inserted
Indirect Pronominal Objects in the following
Tenses: the Indeterminate, the Future, the
Definite Present, the Simple Past, the corre-
sponding Imperfects and in the Imperative,
and means ... ... ... to, for, at,

against , with,
on behalf of.

In this position it loses the sound denoted by
(')•

Om-a-meae,— He will give it to thee. Hami-«-koae,— He will work for
them. Suku-a-bentanako,— They are satisfied with both of yon.

Note.— -The Postposition a is identical in form with the Neuter or Impersonal Pronoun.
It may now be asked— Is this identity of form a merely casual resemblance or are the Post-
position and the Pronoun but two different functions of one and the same primary root ?

If the views expressed here concerning the nature of the Postposition, and those given in
the preceding chapter concerning the Impersonal Pronoun be correct, it follows that the

Past I.

COMPOUND POSTPOSITIONS,

47

Postposition and the Pronoun are in reality nothing else than differently developed functions
of one and the same root. A short summing up will bear out this statement—

1st,-— Pronouns are Demonstrative roots, primarily destined to point out relations of space.
Those relations of space have, in the Pronouns, all reference to the Ego or Self, t.e., they
show how Self is related to other entities.

2nd,— Postpositions are Demonstrative roots which are also primarily destined to denote
relations of space. But in the case of Postpositions those relations do not necessarily refer
to the Ego or Self. The relations denoted by these may exist either between the Ego and
the Non-Ego, or they may exist between two or more beings out of the Ego. Hence the
original function of Pronouns and Postpositions is generally the same, i,e. } that of denoting
relations of space. To this generically identical function the mind adds specifically divergent
functions or specifications in either case.

3rd,— The Impersonal Pronoun in particular has for its own specific function to denote
inanimate objects as out of and distinct from the Ego or Self : hence the relation denoted by
it is that of externality with regard to Sdf 3 i.e. t to one particular living Icing ,

4th. — The Postposition d has for its specific function to denote the same relation of exter-
nality, not exclusively to a particular living being, i.e. 9 Self, but to living beings in general.

The relation, then, denoted by both the Pronoun and the Postposition is in this case speci-
fically the same, though somewhat more extensive in the ease of the Postposition than in that
of the Pronoun.

The fact that the Postposition a is, in all the functions it performs as such, invariably
referred TO living entity gives an additional significance to the specific identity of function
attaching to the Pronoun and the Postposition, and goes far to prove that the Postposition and
the Pronoun are one and the same root. The Pronoun is of course prior to the Postposition.
Now the Pronoun essentially refers to living entity. Hence, if this particular Pronoun be
used with the function of a Postposition, it is natural that it should be reserved for relations
referring to living beings. Furthermore, & is the only Postposition thus limited to relations
referring to living brings. This limitation finds a rational explanation, if the Postposition
be considered as a particular function of the Pronominal root ; otherwise it remains
unexplained.

Ate or JEte — Primarily denotes motion from a place, and

means ... ... ... from, out of.

The purely spatial meaning of to is very
restricted. The original or spatial meaning
of ate or ete is also restricted, though not with
the same rigour as the primary meaning of
te. The spatial function of ate or ete is by no
means co-extensive with the spatial function
of the English Preposition from ; for
whenever some living being or inanimate
object is considered in Us totality as the ter-
minus from the immediate vicinity of which
the motion takes place, ate or ete may no
longer be used to render the English Pre-
position from (see [date, tdete p. 52).

48

MUNDARI GRAMMAR,

(I) In its primary meaning ate or ete is
restricted —

(1) To words primarily and directly
signifying space or places , such as Common
and Proper Nouns of countries, islands, towns,
etc., etc.

’BilsLit-ate-ko aula, — They brought it from Europe.
Banchi-eife ling hijulena, — He and I c&vciefrom Eanchi.
Bir-e£e-e nirurungjana, — He ran out of or from the
forest. Buru •ete argunjanae, — He came down from
the mountain. Ora -ete nirjanae, — He ran m&y from
home (from the house).

Sadom-<s£e argunme, — Come down from the horse.
D&ru-ete-e uiujana,— He£ell/}’cw* the tree. Chauli
en tunki-<s;fe duluyungme, — Pour the rice out of that
basket. Lija-^e mod' takae urungla, — He took a
rupee out of his cloth.

(2) To Nouns and Pronouns denoting
living beings or inanimate objects there and
then considered as containers or receptacles.

Remark.— In some cases really or apparently falling-
under the restrictions laid down above, the Mundas use
re where we would expect ate or ete. This is the case {a)
where the idea of motion is not attended to, because it i3
quite secondary ; (&) where in reality there is no motion at
all, though in English the Preposition from be used.

{a) Puru-re jomme,— Eat out of or from a leaf -plate.

iala-re ntfjad ae, — He drinks out of the cup.

(&) Ale hatu han bum-re lel6a,—Our village 'can be seen
from yonder mountain. Ne kitab-re moiod' baria pirist
parauaingme,—Read a couple of pages to me from this book,

(II) Suffixed to Nouns and Pronouns
denoting living beings not considered there and
then as containers or receptacles, ate or ete
implies a parting with, a separation from ,
some object possessed, a privation , a moral
separation , and means ... ... from.

Hence, the Compounds thus obtained are
equivalent to such English Ablatives as
depend on the Verb to get, to receive , to accept,
to take, to steal , etc., and their synonyms —

Inku-ete-ug uamtada, — I got it from them. Munda-
ete-m kiringla. chi P— Didst thou buy it from the

ART I.

COMPOUND POSTPOSITIONS.

49

\ie or ete — (conoid)

village- chief P Gomke-^-king kuirbyula,~-The two
have stolen it from the master.

Remark.-- The Predicates hwnibu rn, to steal ; re, to rob ;
hole , to strip, to take off, and synonyms are generally con-
strued with a double Accusative, Thus, They stole Mm his
land. They robbed them their money.

The Noun denoting the living being from whom some'
thing is stolen j, etc., must consequently be repeated in the
shape of an Inserted Direct Pronominal Olject.

jSamu oteko kumburuk-f-a, — They stole Samu-sland.

ScTi.horatanko takako rcked'-zb-a, — They robbed the travel-
lers of their money. C/iaprctssi sonoking holek-i-a, — They
(tho two) stripped the chaprassi of his coat.

(Ill) Transferred to time, ale or ete
denotes the beginning of a period intervening
between two events or between two points in
time. Hence (1) to denote the time interven-
ing between some past moment and the pre-
sent, it is suffixed to Nouns or Adverbs denot-
ing the past, and means ... ... Since, ever

since , from ,
for .

Hola-ete bangaia, — He is absent mice yesterday.

Maha-tf^ misao kaing lelkia, — I did not see him once
ever since last year, or for the whole of last year.

Ext hulang-etfe kaking eperangjana , — Jfrom that day
they did no more quarrel with each other.

(2) When it is necessary to specify both
the first and the last moment of a period,
whether past or future, ate or ele is suffixed
to the word which denotes the beginning of
the period, whereas the word denoting the end
of the period takes one of the Suffixes Joked* '
hand or idle, to . Here, then ; ate or ete be*
comes a correlative to faked', Jnvni or idle,
and together with one of these it means ... from ,.Jo.

Remark— T he strong form ate is generally used when
there is question of a groat distance or of a very remote
time.

Munu-afa bongakole sewatoa, enamente n&o kale bagedayi-
koa,— JStoer since the very beginning we (Mundas) are worship-
ping the spirits. Therefore we cannot give them up now#

MUNDARI GRAMMAS,

In ordinary cases cte is much moro frequently used than
ate, It may be said that ate occurs only for the sake of
euphony.

■ The initial e of ete is very .short and weak, espe- ■; '

cially when preceded by' a vowel. Thus, for instance, a
foreigner unaccustomed as yet to the language will find it
difficult to distinguish between daru-te 3 with the tree, and
daru-eie, from the tree ; oyci-te, to the house, and ordd'te,

'' from the house. '

Tare — Denotes rest within a certain area-
ls/.— Suffixed to Proper or Common Nouns
signifying space or places, it means ... about , some-

In connection with these Nouns it yields what where near,
might be called an Indefinite Locative of rest. in the vicinity
The Definite Locative of rest of the same of, in the sur-
Nouns is formed by means of the Suffix re, roundings of
v*gr., Eanchi-rdj in Ranchi, Bumre, — On
the mountain, ; / : t

RancM-Mre-ko taintana, — They dwell somewhere
near Ranchi,

2nd. —Suffixed to other Nouns or Pro-
nouns it means ... ... ... with, near.

In connection with these therefore it yields ^

the Definite Locative of rest — \

Han d&ra-tdre-e namoa, — You will find' him. near
yonder tree. Ale-tare kako taina, — They will not
remain with or near us, . .

3rd* — In its transferred meaning tare
denotes possession both in the strict and
wider sense of the term. This meaning, how-
ever, requires to be completed by means of
the Predicates mend, to be, and band, not be.

Hence together with mend and band, fare
means ... ... ... to have or not

In this construction the name of the beings to have.
and objects possessed, or of the persons over
whom a certain right is exercised, stands as
Subject of the proposition; mend or band
stands as Predicate, and the Noun or Pronoun
denoting the owner stands as Indirect Object
with the Suffix idre*

Part I.

COMPOUND POSTPOSITIONS.

51

GomJce-t&re taka mena, — The master has money.

(Literally, With the master there • is money.)

Ale- tare dasiko bankoa,— We have no servants.

(- Literally , With us there are no servants.)

&th. — Tbe Predicates urii, to long for, to
yearn after, and a$rai> to hope, to look to some
one for something, to expect something from
some one, always require tare as Suffix to their
Indirect Object, ie. to the Noun or Pronoun
denoting the object or being for which one
longs, or the person from, whom one expects
something or to whom one looks for some-
thing. Hence here tare means , M for, after , in,

to, from .

Engat e-tdre-e urutana , — He yearns after his
mother. (Literally, he thinks towards bis mother.)

Ord-tdre-k o nnUana,— They are homesick. (Liter-
ally, they think towards their house or home.)

Am -tdre-le asraitana , — We hope in thee, or wo look
to thee (for help, counsel, etc.).

5th . — The Predicates suku, to be pleased
with, to be satisfied with, to agree with;
ha . • * sahu, to be displeased with, to be dis-
satisfied with, to disagree with, and kisio,
to be angry with, are sometimes construed in
a similar manner.

Hence in connection with Indirect Objects
to these, fare means ... ... with, tomras,

against*

Mundako-#0>’0 khube sukutana,—Iie is very
well disposed towards the village-chiefs. A.m~tdre
kae suJcuiana , — He does not agree with thee. A-
ki ng-tdra kented'ko kisiakana, —They are very
angry against both of them.

Tate — Denotes motion towards.

1st . — Suffixed to Nouns denoting space or
places, it yields an Indefinite Locatke of motion.

The Definite Locatke of motion of these Nouns
is formed by means of te; for in connection
with these Nouns, ie points out the exact

52

MUNDAE1 GRAMMAR.

terminus of the motion, whereas iate points
out the direction of the motion only in a
rather vague manner.

Hence it means ... ... ... towards, in

the direction

of

Hatu-fo^e-ko senoj ana, —They went away towards
the village. Ora •tdte-e nirjana,— -He ran towards
the house. Sinna-fo&tfc-e sangilrakabla,— He looked
up towards heaven.

2nd . — Suffixed to other Nouns and Pro-
nouns, it assumes the same definite meaning
which ie has when suffixed to Nouns denoting
space or places*

Hence it yields a Definite Locative of motion,
and means ... ... ... to, up to.

Han darn 4die senome,— Go up to yonder tree.

Ale-tdte-teng niraula,*— Both came running up to ns.

Tdate or Denotes motion from—

Tdete.

1st . —Suffixed to Nouns denoting space or
places it yields an Indefinite Locative of motion
from, and means ... ... ... from the sur-

roundings or
the side of 9
from some -
where near .

Eanchi .4&ete-'k.o hijulena,— They have come from
somewhere near Eanchi.

2nd.— Suffixed to other Nouns and Pronouns,
it yields a Definite Locative of motion from,
and means ... ... from ,

Sadom-Me^e nirme,— *Eun away from the horse.

Ben gel -tdete iditam,— Take it away from (near) the
fire. But Seng el-ete urungtam, — Take it out of
the fire.

3rd. — It is suffixed to Nouns and Pronouns
denoting living beings, when they stand as
Indirect Objects to the Passive Predicates —
huU } to be sent; chuiiS, to be dismissed,

Part I.

COMPOUND POSTPOSITIONS.

53

although, the idea of motion be no longer
either the only nor even the primary one
implied. In this connection therefore it yields
an equivalent to some of the Organic Ablatives,
and must be rendered by »•» •» from, by*

Haj a4&et e-ko kuljana, — They were sent by the
ling. Ale-taete-kmg chutijana, — Both of them were
dismissed by us.

Nouns denoting inanimate objects take etc
when standing as Indirect Objects to those
Passives, v.gr., Jehel-cte-king chutijana, —

Both were dismissed from prison.

Remark. — In tclate and tdete the d is checked very slightly, and the second a of tdaie as
well as the e of tdete are very short. Hence t&ate sounds almost like tale, and tdete may easily
be mistaken for tate.

Sdre, site | Are equivalents of tare fate, tdate or tdete, and are
sdate and sdefe. ) used about as frequently as tare, etc., etc.

Nouns and ? Pronouns denoting living beings take the Suffix a when
they depend on any of the compounds to be enumerated below. V* gr.
Inid aiarre tainme, — Eemain in front. of him.

For the explanation of this construction see above (pages 89 and 40).

Aiar is both a Transitive and an Intransitive Predicate, meaning to
precede, to be, or go ahead, to continue. Y. gr., Aiarhom! Precede
them. Atom alar a! Don’t go further ! don’t go ahead ! Aiar me mar !
Continue your narration ! Go on with what you have to say.

iV.R.—The form aitir, a variation produced by the i, is rather rarely used.

Taiom is a Transitive and Intransitive Predicate, meaning to be
behind, to come or to go behind, to lag behind, to come later, to put
something or some one behind, v. gr., Taiomime / Go behind him or put
him behind ! Put him at the end !

In the sense of to lag behind, to come behind or to come later it is
generally used in the Passive form, v.gr., Taiomotanae, — He is lagging
behind. Taiomjanako, — They remained behind ; they could not keep
up with the others.

Doia or dect is primarily a Noun, meaning the bach .

Sida is an Ordinal Numeral Adverb, meaning first*

54

MUNDARI GRAMMAR*

Chetan is a Transitive and Intransitive Predicate, meaning to be
above , to put or place above , to be on the top of \ to put or place on the
top of.

Snba is the contrary of chetan , and means to be underneath , to be
beneath , to put ox place beneath .

ta denotes the cover , tf/jc w/; also heavens . It is also
used as a Transitive or Intransitive Predicate, meaning
high} to be on high (Passive).

Latar is a Transitive and Intransitive Predicate, meaning to lower 9
to put lower , to he below (Passive).

Tala is used both as a Noun and as a Transitive and Intransitive
Predicate, meaning ( 1 ) the middle , ( 2 ) to divide in the middle , to halve,
to trace the middle .

Racha denotes an open place outside in front of the house, d kind
of small yard .

Kmidam corresponds to racha, and denotes a place outside .## ^
back of the house.

Biter is the Mundarieised Hindi word bhitar , inside. In its
original form, without Suffix, it is a Predicate, meaning
(Passive), ^0 put ox place something inside .

JDanang is a Transitive and Intransitive Predicate, meaning £0
screen, to hide behind something , £0 he screened or hidden (Passive).

Japa is a Transitive and Intransitive Predicate, meaning £0 50
ofostf (Passive), toput close by , to place against.

Gena denotes the edge or border, -v.gr., cA rivers, seas, lands. It
may he used too as Predicate, meaning ^0 go along .

A tom denotes the edge or sWe of something. Used as Predicate,
it means to put something aside , to remove something away from.

The words enumerated above take the Suffixes id, te, tare ,

Mate or and thus yield the following set of Compound Postposi-
tions. The Postpositions thus obtained are not Suffixes, but they
occupy an independent position. They always stand immediately
after the Nouns or Pronouns they govern, v.gr., Sara genatee
senjana,— He went to the riverside.

Aiartd is used of space. Its mean-
ing is very vague [cfr. t&). It
denotes both motion and rest
within an ill-defined area, and
means *«* *.* someivhere ahead.

Part I. compound postpositions* §5

Aiarre (1st) used of space denotes

rest, and means **, ... before, ahead of in front of*

Sadoma aiarre alom tinguna !— Don’t stand in front of the horse . Mej
aiarre dubme, — Sit before the table.

(2nd) used of time , it means . . . ago .

Monre slrma aiarre neree taelcena, — He was hero five years ago,

Aiarjdre denotes rest, but it is less t somewhere ahead;
precis© than aiarre , and means ... \ somewhere in front .

Aiarte denotes motion and indicates
the direction in a precise manner,
and means ... ... ... ahead, in front

Aina aiarte sendnxe, — Go straight in front of me.

Aiartdte denotes motion, but indi-
cates the direction more vaguely
than aiarte , and means somewhere in front

Aiarete denotes motion from , in a

definite direction, and means ... from in front of

Aiartaate or aiartdefe denotes mo*
tion from , in a vaguer way, and

means ... ... ... from somewhere in front of

Taiomre denotes rest in a definite

place, and means ... ... behind .

Inia taiomre tainme, — Remain behind him.

Taiomidre denotes rest within a less

well-defined area, and means . . . somewhere behind s

Taiomie (1st) used of space, it denotes

motion towards , and means ... after*

(2nd) used of time, it means ... after*

Ilea taiomteko hijulena,— They came after us, i.e., they came later than
we. Api ma taiomie hrj uruareme,— Come hack after three days.

TaiomaU or iaiomeie denotes motion”)

from , in a definite way,*.*., indi- {from behind something ;
cates the exact terminus from, j from behind someone .
and means

56

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

Taiomtdate or t aiomtdeie denotes
likewise motion from , but does
not precise the terminus from, in
the same manner as taiomete. It

means ... ••• ... from somewhere behind.

JDoeare, deare is used only as Definite
Locative of rest of the Noun dea,
hack, and means on the bach.

Doeale or deate is the corresponding
Definite Locative of motion of the
same Noun.

The Suffixes tare, tdte, iaate ( tdete ) in connection with doea (dea)
yield Compounds equivalent in meaning to taiomtare or taiomre,
taiomte or taiomtdte , taiomete or tiomtaete. But these Compounds with.
dea are, of course, restricted to cases where the Noun or Pronoun
governed denotes human beings.

Sidare is used of time. It is added
to a word or phrase denoting a
period of time, and denotes that
a cert ain event preceded that
period. The precedence thus
signified is not an immediate one,
but a more or less vague one.
Hence sidare may be translated
by

more than .... ago.

Mod'll isi sirma sidarei sg Mked'koa.-I saw them (once) more than 20 years

ago.

Sidate (1st) is used of time, and, like
sidare , suffixed to Nouns or
phrases signifying a period of
time. It denotes that a certain
action took place previous to that
period. The precedence thus sig-
nified seems to he more definite,
i.e., immediately preceding the
period indicated. Hence it
means ... <*■ ••• a 9 0.

Monre sirma sidate nerong lelked'koa,— I saw them here five years ago.

Part L compound postpositions* 57

(2nd) Suffixed to Nouns or Pro-
nouns denoting living' beings,' it
points out priority of one action
or state over another, whether in
the past or in the future, and
means ... ... before.

Aina sidateko senkena, — They went before me, i.e., before I went. Amfi
sidate-e senoka, — Let him go before thee, i.e,, before thou wilt start.

Sidaate , sidaete points out a period")
lasting from some more or less j

ever mice;

well-defined moment of the past )>
up to the present time, and j em Slme

ago.

means

Miniicl/ sir in a sidaate Horoko Chutia Nagporre menakoa, — The Mundas are
(settled) in Chota Nagpore ever since year upon year, i e ., from time immemo-
rial. Moure, sirma sidaete nereng kamitangea, — I am working here ever since
five years ago.

Ghetanre denotes rest, and means •«» on the top or summit of
Burn ehetanre , — On the summit of the mountain.

Chetante denotes motion to, and

means ... ... ... to the top ox summit of

Ghetanate , chetanete denotes motion

from, and means ... ... from the top or summit of ,

To the above correspond the more indefinite Compounds :

Ghetantare ... ... ... somewhere on the top of

... ... ... somewhere to the top of

ChetantMe

Ghefantdete

somewhere from the top of*

Subare denotes rest, and means ,,, near, underneath of under .
Mej subare , — Under the table, i.e., near the legs of the table.

Subate denotes motion to, and means under, underneath .

Daru sulat 3 nivme , — Bun under the trees i*e., close to the trunk of tne tree.

Subaete denotes motion from, and

means „ c * ... from under neat L

e 8

58

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

To these correspond the more indefinite compounds: subatdre,
tubatdte, suhatdate or sub'tdete.

Sirmare denotes rest, and must

sometimes be rendered by ... under, from, to.

Ora sirmare hakakana,— It is hanging under the house-roof. Najomko darn
sirmare ko kakakoa,— Tliey would hang sorcerers to the branches of a tree.

More frequently it must be rendered

by ... ... ... on, upon.

OrS. sirmaree tinguabana,— He is standing on the top or roof of the house.

Sirmate denotes motion to, and

means ... ... ... up to, to, to the top ox roof .

Sirmaete denotes motion from, and

means ... ... ... from, from tlm top ox roof

of. f ...

Remark.— These three compounds are limited in their function as Postpositions to such
words as denote houses, rooms, etc,, to covered or ceiled places.

Latarre denotes rest, and means ... under, underneath .

Latarte denotes motion to, and means under , underneath .

Latarefe ( latarate ) denotes motion

from, and means »«« frown underneath*

To these correspond, the more indefinite compounds : latartare $
latqrtate, ktartdete or latarUate .

Remark.— latarre latarte , etc is used only to denote the underneath of a covered place or
a space, big or small, under some object, which allows of putting or shoving something under
that objeot.° Thus mej latarre, underneath the table ; Topi latarre , under the hat.

BnKre, siibaie, ©tc. , is used to denote the lower end of something. F. <?r., There where
a tree-trunk dr a wall rises out of the ground, Daru subaree dubakana,— He is sitting under
the tree, on the ground near the trunk. Daru latarte dubakana,— He is sitting under the
kind of roof made by the projecting branches.

However, with regard to trees, sula is almost exclusively used even when the immediate
proximity to the trunk is not strictly implied.

Ama kata sulareng uitfntana,— I throw myself at thy feet Ama kata latarre mens,— It
h underneath thy foot, Le, t thou art treading or standing upon it.

■ Bence the compounds with mba are the contraries of those with cMan § whereas the com.
pounds with latar are the contraries of those with sima.

Part I.

COMPOUND POSTPOSITIONS.

59

Tala denotes rest —

1st.— Suffixed to Nouns denoting
spaee or places* it means . in the middle or the centre

of

9nd —Suffixed to other Nouns, it

means ... ... ... amongst, among.

( (1) to the middle or centre
Talate denotes motion to, and means ] of.

( (2) amongst , to the midst of

Talaete denotes motion from, and ( (1) from the middle of.
means ... ... ... I (2) from amongst .

To these correspond the , indefinite compounds : talatdre , talataie ,
talatdate or talatdete.

Biterre denotes rest, and means ... inside, in the interior of.
Biterte denotes motion to, and means into the interior of, inside .
Biterete denotes motion from, and

means ... ... ' ... from inside of from the

interior of.

Add to these the indefinite compounds : bitertdre, biUrtdie, biter -
tdate or bitertdete .

Rachare, radiate, etc., as well as kundamre, kundamte, etc., etc., being
entirely restricted to designate a small place out in front or at the
back of the house are Adverbs of Place rather than Postpositions.

Banangre denotes rest, and means ... behind, under cover of
Banangte denotes * motion to, and

means ... ... behind

Banangeie denotes motion from, and

means ... ... ... from behind.

Add to these the indefinite oompounds: danangtdre, damngtdte,
danangtdete .

Remabk.— T he Compounds with danang are used only when it is actually desired to imply
that a living being or an objeet is actually hidden from sight by that behind which it is said
to be. Hence Inii danmgre tinguakana,-He is standing behind him so as to be hidden
from view. But Xnii taiomree tinguakana.-He stands behind him and ean be seen.

Gernre denotes rest, and means ... on the border or the side

of, near, along.

Ornate denotes motion to. and means to the side of, etc.

60

MTJNDARI GRAMMAR,

QenaeU denotes motion from, and

means ... ... ... from the side of, etc.

Add genafdre , gemi&te , genatdete or
genataate ,

Atomre denotes rest, and means ... at the side , ow Me side, on

the edge , cw Me extremity
of

Atomte denotes motion to, and means to the side , efe.,' cto.

Atomte denotes motion from, and

means ... ... ... from the side, etc.

Add Atomtdre , atomidte, atomidate or atomtdete •

Remark.— A fowirc, etc., etc., are used of the outer edge or side of any object, whereas
genare , etc., are used only of rivers, seas, tracts of land, villages, etc.

Roth sets of compounds are frequently reduplicated. In this case only the repeated form
takes the Suffixes re, te , etc* etc,, v • gr., Gara gem genare iainme,— Remain close along the
riverside.

These reduplications are sometimes used without the Suffixes re, te, etc*, v.gr,, Gara gena
gena senme,— Go close along the riverside.

Japare denotes rest, in tlie immediate
proximity to something or some-
one, and means ... ... close to, quite near to,

against »

Japate denotes motion to, and means against , up to.

Japaete denotes motion from, and

means ... ... from against, from close to,

Japare , e to, --Differ from atomre, etc,, in this that the first indicate
a point or place in immediate vicinity to or even contact with an object
or living being, but still outside of it; whereas atomre, etc,, denote
the outer surface or limit of an object ; thus Mej atomre dotam, — Put it
on the edge of the table. But Mej japare dotam, — Place it near the
table or against the table.

Hand, haU, habuV or hamd —Indicate
the distance between two points or
the duration of a motion to, and
point out the exact terminus of
that distance or the motion ... to, up to, until .

They may be used alone or with the Suffix te~

Ts'e daruete Kan daru ham .or ban dam hawUe ^ From this tree up to yonder
tree.

Part I.

COMPOUND POSTPOSITIONS.

61

The word indicating the terminus sometimes takes the Suffix id —
Han darn td hamx senome, — Gro (from here) up to yonder tree*

Mente is the Instrumental Case of men,
to say. It performs a variety of
functions in connection with
subordinate clauses. It has been
transferred also to the function
of a Postposition governing Nouns
and Pronouns. In this function
it is synonymous with nagente,
etc., and means ... for , on behalf of

Nouns and Pronouns depending on mente never take the Suffix d —

Am went eng auakada, — I brought this for thee. Honme mentee kiringla,*—
He bought it for thy son.

Sam — Of Hindi origin, is used in some
expressions as a synonym to Id,
with, and means ... ... with, together with ,

But it is never used of time. It is generally preceding the Noun
it governs. However, it is also used as a mere Suffix—

Ne dam vodJ-sam tud'urungpe, — Pull out this tree together with its roots.
&m-kagaj ne tunkio huclumaratam, — Pitch away this basket together with the
paper that's in it. Bam-losod f , besmeared with mud. Sam-maiom , besmeared
with blood. #flm-maiomein tusingakana, — Thou art dressed (in cloths) besmeared
with blood.

Began , likewise of Hindi origin, is used,

and means ... ... ... without .

This too precedes the Noun it governs,
and that Noun frequently takes
the Instrumental Suffix te —

Beg or hake \

or l ka magoa,— There’s no cutting without an axe.
begar hakefo? >

Begctr uriko \

or > ka siua, — There’s no ploughing without bullocks,
begar urikotf 6 )

Note. «-The genuine Mundari construction consists of a Disjunctive proposition of which
the first member is generally elliptic. If the first member be complete,, the secoud member
elliptic—

Hakete karedo ka m£goa ; literally. With an axe or else there is is no cutting (it can
not he cut).

62

MT7NDARI GRAMMAR.

Uj-lkot© karedo ka sitfa,— ‘ With bullocks or else there is no ploughing,

Hakete magba, karedo ka, — With an axe one can cut, otherwise not.

Urlkote sitfa, karedo k a,— With bullocks one can plough, otherwise not.

The fact that the Mundas often suffix tz to the Noun governed by btgar shows that they
cannot quite resign themselves to the Hindi construction.

Biit this is shown still more forcibly by the combination of the Hindi and the Mundar*
construction into a jumble which, if literally translated, would mean the opposite of what
they intend to say-*-

Begar sadom karedo kaing sena > I won’t go without horse ; literally, Without horse or else
„ sadomte „ ,, „ j Iwon’tgo.

Eamiate — Indicates the direction and
duration of a motion by pointing
out the exact terminus from which

it starts, and may he rendered by all along from , all the while

from .

Han oya hamiateng niraujada, —I come running all the way from (as far as)
yonder house.

Jaked' — Is used both of .^ace and time.

It indicates the terminus of a
motion or a duration.

1st. —When jaked' is used of space the
Postposition id is frequently suf-
fixed to the word denoting the
terminus, and jaked' is placed
after id. In this construction
jaked' is synonymous with Jiami,
etc and may be rendered by ... up to , as far as.

Han daruta jaked' goiditam, — Carry it up to yonder tree.

2nd. — Used of tim jaked' may be ren-
dered by ... ... for.

E chandu jaked' tainome, — Eemain for seven months ; stay for the next seven
months.

Paromre — Denotes rest, and means ... across , on the other side of.
Gar a paromre tangikom,— -Wait for them on the other side of the river.

Paromte — Denotes motion to, and means across , to the other side.

Paromete— Denotes motion from, and

means ... ... ... from across, from the other

side.

Add paromtdre , paromtate, paromtdate or paromtdete.

Paet I.

COMPOUND POSTPOSITIONS.

63

Borate — Is the Instrumental Case of
hora, way, road. It is always used
to signify the instrumentality of
persons, and means ... ... through , by.

The Noun or Pronoun denoting the person through whom some-
thing is done or accomplished takes the Suffix d —

Amd Iterate le banchaujana, — We were saved by thee. Dasid borate no chifci
kultaime, — Send this letter to him -(through the servant.

Nagen or nagente — Has the same func-
tion as the Latin pro, and means for , on behalf of

Nouns and Pronouns depending on this need not take the Suffix d? —

Ho?oko nagente , for the Mundas. Ale, or aled nagente , for us, on behalf of us.

64

mundari grammar.

V— NUMERALS-

I.— Cardinal Numerals.

Distinct forms exist for tire numbers from one to ten inclusively,
and for the number twenty.

Tbe numbers between ten and twenty are formed by adding the
nine first numbers respectively to tbe word yet, 10.

No special Mundari word exists for any number higher than
twenty, hisi. The higher numbers are divided into stages of twenties :
thus 40 is called bar hisi, i.e., two twenties; 60 is ajoi hisi, i.e., three
twenties ; 80 is upun hisi, i,e., four twenties ; 100 is, monre hisi, i.e., five
twenties ; 120 is turui hisi, i.e., six twenties, etc.

The numbers from 20 to 40 are formed by adding the nineteen
first numbers respectively to hisi, or mid' hisi: thus, 30 is mid' hisi
gelea, i.e., one twenty ten ; 31 is mid' hisi gel rniad', i.e., one twenty

, ten one*

The numbers from 40 to 60, from 60 to 80, etc., are formed in the
same way. Thus, 50 is bar hisi gelea, i.e., two twenties ten ; 51 is

bar hisi gel miad\ etc.

The Mundari Numerals are being displaced more and more by the
Hindi in districts where Hindi or Sudani is understood by the Mun-
das, and even in others where these languages are hardly understood

. ' at all*

The Hindi words s cm or sai, a hundred, and hazar or hajar, a
thousand, are now in common use almost everywhere.

However, gel sai, i.e., ten hundred, occurs still frequently instead
of hajar, a thousand—

mid', miai', moiad', or mod 1
ban® * . .
ajpia *•*

ttpumci

monrea
turui®
la

} : 3rect-.- , jy':

gelea .«»

3

4

5

6

7

8
9

10

mid' hisi gelea
: mi d * hisi gel m i ad'
midi hisi gel baria
bar hisi •

bar hisi gelea
api hisi *

api hisi gelea ,

upun hisi

l gelea .

30

31
32.
40
50
60
70

' 80 '
90

Part L

NUMERALS.;

65

monre hisi , or sau 9 sai, mid' mi ,
mad's at ... •*« 100

.ma miad r ... 101

mod' baria ... 102

so* y tffeas ... ... no

mod f sat mod' hisi, or twnii hisi 120
bar sat ... ... 200

api sai ... ... 200

upun sai ... ... 400

qel sai , or mid' liazav, mod' haj ctr 1000
mod r hajar mod ' sai gel baria 1112
mod r hajar iril sai upun hisi
gel upunia »,. ... 1894

The last Towel of apia, monrea , turuia , ea 9 and area is always dropped
when they are placed before the higher numbers — hisi, sai, hajar •
Baria, upunia, irilia, gelea drop the two last vowels before those higher
numbers.

The same rule is followed whenever any of the ten first Numerals
is placed before (a) words denoting measures of any kind, (b) the
words koro (man), ora (house), ho (head), used as appositions in
enumerations.

In enumerating the families of a village the word ord (house) is
used as apposition in the same manner.

The word bo (head) is similarly used in enumerations of cattle.

N.B. — The words koro, ord, 16, when thus used as appositions, do not take the Dual or
Plural Suffixes.

Bar gaudi 9 two leagues ; api fcewa, three tewas (a grain measure) ; gel muka, ten yards ■
upun ghanta, four hours ; e taka, seven rupees ; ama chimmin honko menakoa ? Kora-
honko api horo, kuri honko bar horo, —How many children have you ? Three sons and two
daughters. No hature gel api ord Mundako, oro are ord Uraonko menakoa, or No haturo
Mundako gel api ord , oro Uranko are ord menakoa,— In this village there are 13 Munda families
and 9 Uraon families. Kerako tmui 16 uriko upun bo naendkoa,— There are six buffaloes and
four bullocks.

gel miad f ... ... 11

gel baria ... ... 12

gel api a ... ... 13

gel upuni a ... ... 14

gel monrea ... ... 15

gel turuia ... ... 16

gel ea ... ... 17

gel irilia - ... ... 18

gel area ... ... 19

hisi, isi , mid' hisi , or mod ' hisi 20
mid ' hisi miad f ... ... 21

mid ' hisi baria ... .*.22

II. - DISTRIBUTIVE NUMERALS.

Distributive Numerals are formed by the reduplication of the
Simple Cardinal Numerals.

In the Compound Numbers this reduplication takes place only in
the first Numeral of the Compound,

n 9

66

MUHPA'RI GRAMMAR.

Sometimes even Compound Cardinal Numerals are used as Distrib-
utives without any change whatsoever —

mi-mid') or mi-miad

one

each.

ge-gel miad l t

eleven each.

ba-laria,

two

9>

ge-gel lariat

twelve

ap-apiz,

three

33

ge-gel apia.

thirteen

up-upunia,

four

■ VC,:

ge-gel monrea,

fifteen

a

mCK-monrea

five

»

M-hisi or mo-mod' hisi, twenty

9 9

iu-tumtx,

six

Si

M-Jdsi miad' 9

twenty-one

99

e-ea 9

seven

9t

la-bar Msi,

forty

39

ir-inlia,

eight

» i

mon-mo'iire Idsi,

or

ar-ar& r,

nine

St • .-i

sa-sai ,

a hundred

it

ge-gelea.

ten

St I:

la-bar sai,

two hundred

>9

ha-haj ar 9

a thousand

.. 99 ' .

The forms given above are used

ad j actively.

When it is required to use Distributive Numerals adverbially, the
Postposition te 9 as significative of manner, is suffixed to them—

mimid'ie, mindad'te

one by one.

[ tuturiate,

six

by six.

babariate , bah arte.

two by two.

eeate, . a .-

seven by seven.

apapiaie,

three by three.

iririliate ,

eight by eight.

upupuniate ,

four by four, j

arareate 9

nine

by nine.

monmonreafe,

five by five.

gegdeate ,

ten

by ten.

MimiacV baoar paisa omakom, — Give them two pice each. Daruko apapiate
roakana, — The trees are planted three by three, three in a row, Paltanko tnturiate
ko sesena, — The soldiers march six by six, six abreast.

Remark. —When there is question of human beings, the apposition horo often occurs
where we would expect a Distributive Adverb only. In this case several different constructions
may be used— *

1, Horo is repeated and preceded each time by the Cardinal Numeral ; the second time
\0fo takes the suffix te, v.gr . —

Bar horo lar korote senope,fwalk two by two*

2. Horo preceded by a Distributive Numeral takes the suffix te, v.gr*«~~

Motymoyre ftoroie senope, walk five by five,

8 In either of the two constructions given above horo generally drops the suffix te when
the Predicate is by itself alone expressive of manner or arrangement, v.gr., panti } abreast—

{7 pun horo upim horo pantinpe, arrange yourselves into ranks of four and four— or Uptipun.
hope panting Si

The same rule is observed when such words as panti are used, not transitively, but
adverbially to specify some other Predicate. Then those words take the suffix te —

Moofe horo monye horo pantitd c aiarka, let them advance five by five.

Part I.

67

NUMERALS.

IIL-ORDINAL NUMERALS.

There .are only two forms in common use, viz., sida, the first, and
efi 9 the second.

The Cardinal Numerals from three upwards are used with the
function of Ordinals. This deficiency of Ordinal forms ought to give
rise to many an ambiguous proposition when there is question of
inanimate objects, because Nouns denoting inanimate objects generally
take no Plural Suffix. Thus api clam may mean three trees and it may
mean the third tree. This inconvenience, however, has never troubled
the Mundas so far as to urge them to coin a compound that would do
away with the ambiguity. ' They prefer to make themselves understood
either by pointing out the object in question, or by having recourse to
some circumlocution.

Thus to say, cut the fourth tree , they will say dpi dam aiar-red
mdeme; literally , cut that one (which is) before tbe three trees.

Call the sixth boy, — Moure korakoa aiar-reni raime, i,e., call that
one who is before the five boys.

Or they will say apia dam bageked'te miad' mdeme , ic. 9 leaving
or having left three trees cut one.

To say, cut down the four first trees , they will point at the tree
first and say : En apia Id upunia daru maeme ; literally , together with
those three, cut four trees.

When the objects in question cannot thus be pointed out materially,
then they point them out either by means of a statement, or more
generally by means of a plain question ; thus :

Him hora genare gdbaria nli daru roakana, chi lea ? He mar ! apia bageked f te
miad f rndepe,— Along yonder road there are planted 12 mango trees, is it not
so P Tory well, leaving three (le<, the three first ones) cut down one {i.e,, the
fourth one). .

Han Jiora genare gelbaria daru roakana ehi Tea ? He mar ! apialo upini a mdepe ,«-*
Are there along yonder road twelve trees or not P All right ! together with three
(i,e., the three first) cut four trees, Le., cut the four first ones.

IV.— PROPORTIONAL NUMERALS
Proportional Numerals are formed by suffixing $d, and in some
districts duang or duan to tbe Cardinal Numerals.

68

MUKPABI GRAMMAR.

The numbers from 2 to 10 inclusively drop the last or the two last
vowels as indicated above under I (page 65) —

mid'sd, misd,

mosd

or mid f dua%g

. . . once.

barsd

»

barduang

... twice.

apisd

»

apiduang

... thrice, three times.

upunsd

99

upunduang

... four times.

monresd

if

monreduang

... five times.

turuisd

99

turuiduang

... six times.

esd

99

eduang

... seven times.

irilsd

n

irilduang

... eight times.

aresd

}>

areduang

... nine times.

gelsd

99

gelduang

... ten times.

gelmid f sd

gelmid'duang

... eleven times.

mid'Msisd

99

mid'hisiduang

. , . twenty times.

modsaisd

99

mod 1 saiduang

a hundred times.

Approximations are expressed by juxtaposing two numbers with-
out any conjunction, whenever the approximation is close to the exact
number.

In Proportional Numerals the second only takes the suffix — sd
Monre turui boro , 5 or 6 men ; Api upunsd , 3 or 4 times.

Doubtful numbers are expressed by suffixing leka to either the
Cardinal or the Proportional Numerals.

Sometimes two numbers are juxtaposed and the second one takes
the suffix leka .

Mod'Msi leka , about twenty. Qehdleka , about ten times.

When these doubtful Numerals stand before a Noun the suffix leka
is sometimes added to the Noun. But this position of leka seems to b©
anomalous—

Gelbaria daruleJca or gelbarialeka daru maeme,— Out down about twelve trees

When, in approximations, two or three multiples of 20, 100 or
1,000 ar© juxtaposed, the numbers hisi, sai, hajar are used only once*
le 9$ after the second or third multiplicant —

Bar api hid leka, about 40 or 60. Api upun saisd leka , about 3 or 4 hundred
limes.

In the shape of Fractional Numerals there exists only the word
tala or tara 9 meaning (1) the middle, the centre; (2) to babe, to
divide into two equal parts ; (8) half.

Part I.

NUMERALS.

69

The requirements of their limited commercial transactions are
sufficiently served by some special words denoting various fractions of
the rupee or of some measures in ordinary use : adeli, an eight-anna
piece ; ganda , one anna, sala, 40 seers (of grain) ; kandi , 20 seers (of
grain), etc.

If it be absolutely required to designate a fraction explicitly, the
Mundas have recourse to some circumlocution, v.gr . —

Out off two-thirds, — Apia hatingete baria hating maeme (of three
parts, cut off two) .

The first four Mundari Numerals occur in Mon, Cambodian
Anamese and at least three other languages. Two, three, and four are
monosyllables, viz., baria, two, is bd in Mon and bar in the others.
Apia, three, appears as pe in three of these, in the others as peh, peg.
for peng.

Mon has m'son for monre . In the other languages the Numeral Jive
has no apparent resemblance to monrea.

Turuia , six, occurs as t'rou in Mon and as treon and totron in two
others. All the remaining Numerals are apparently quite different
from the Mundari forms.

8a ant td are interchangeable in Mundari. Is it a mere accidental
coincidence that Burjatic forms Iterative Numerals by suffixing td
to the Cardinal Numerals even as Mundari suffixes si for the same
purpose ?

In the same language Distributive Numerals are formed by adding
the Instrumental Suffix to the repeated Cardinal Number just as
in Mundari*

In Oambojan and Malay isi means all , and is used as one of the
Plural Suffixes. If the Mundari hmovm, twenty, can be referred to
this root, it would confirm the conjecture that this Numeral, which
is the only distinct form the Mundas possess beyond ten was really
intended to convey the idea of the great total of what probably formed
their basis of counting, viz., the fingers plus the toes. The root man ,
mun or bin , meaning 100 in Wigur, 1,000 in Osmanli, 10,000 in Chinese,
is similarly used to denote multitude, and hence means also all.

70

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

n.-' WORDS USED

I. — Adverbs

1. Most Adverbs of Place are formed by suffixing the Postpositions
Interrogative Demonstratives. Sd is used as frequently as ta in these

nere

netdre

nesdre

nete

netdte

msdte

mate

netdate

netdete

msdate

nesdete

netd

msd

ohore ?

oleotdre

okosdre

olcote

okotate

olcosdte

ole oa t e

oleotdate

etc.

sobentdre

here

| here about, or somewhere here
hither.

| this way, this direction,
hence.

from this side, from this direc-
tion.

I used in vague indications,

) denoting both rest and motion,

where F

| where abouts P

whither P
what way ? ...
what direction ?
whence ?
from what side
or direction ?

i

| everywhere.

enre

entire

ensure

ente

entdte

ensdte

enate

enete

entdate

entaete

ensdate

ensdete

entd

ensd

jet are

jet at are

jet as are

jet ate

jet at ate

jet as ate

jetaete

jet date
etc.

sohentdte

sobensate

Bem ark. — The forms nan, here ; nate, hither, occur occasionally instead of nere and nete,
the Pronominal forms— nea-re, in this one ; nea-te, to this one.

2. A certain number of Compound Postpositions are used as
are cut away from all connection with Nouns or Pronouns, and are used

chetanre

... above.

talare

sirmare

... above.

jap are

rachare

... outside.

bitarre

jparomre

... across*

doiare

■ aiarre „

... ahead, ^

taiomre

To these may be added —

71

Fart I.

WORDS USED ADVERBIALLY.

ADVERBIALLY.

of Place.

re, tare , te, fate, ate, ete, idate, tdete to the Definite, Indefinite, and
compounds—

there.

somewhere, about there,
thither.

that way, or that direction,
thence.

from somewhere there,
from that side.

used like netd,
somewhere.

somewhere about.

some way.

in some direction or
another.

from somewhere.

from some direction or
another.

hanre

yonder.

hunt are ..."

hansdre

| somewhere yonder.

haute

yonder.

hantdte

) that way yonder to

hansdte ....

) that side yonder.

hanate

hanete

hantdate ..T

• from yonder side.

;

hantdete

^from somewhere

hansdate

yonder.

hansdete

hantd ..."

hansd

^ used like netaf.

jare

anywhere at all.

j at are

jasdre ... J anywhere about.

jate

any way.

j at ate

jasdte ...

| in any direction at all.

jaete

from anywhere.

j at date, ...

> from any side at all.

etc.

i from whatever side.

sohenidete

sobensdete

from everywhere.

in every direction.

These seem to be the stronger equivalents of the forms nere and nete, and not contractions of

Adverbs of Place without undergoing any change whatever, Le*, they
simply to modify Transitive or Intransitive Predicates —

in the middle,
close by, near,
inside,
behin 1.
behind.

subare

latarre

danangre

lemidamre

below, underneath,
below, underneath,
behind (hidden),
behind (the house).

Nature, near ; miginre , far.

n

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

All the above take the Suffixes te or ate, ete when the Predicate to be

chetante

chetanafe

etc.

scmginte

... upwards.

’ " * | from above*

... from far away.

talate

talaete

etc.

sanginate

The same words take the Suffixes tare (save), idle (. sate ), tdate or
denote either rest within a vaguely defined area, or motion to or from

Hence another triple

diet ant dr e ... somewhere above.

chetantdte ... somewhere upwards.

chetantaete ... 1 £ rom gomew ]xere above,
ete. )

3. All the compounds under No. 2 may be rendered more precise

talatdre

ialatdte

talatdete

etc.

nedieianre ... above here.

nedietantdre ... above here somewhere.

nechetante ... up here.

nedietantate ... up here somewhere,

etc.

enchetanre
enchetantare ...
endietante
enchetantate
etc.

4. Kore and kote are added (1) to ne, en, han ; (2) to neta (nesd)
the Postpositions chetan , etc. enumerated above under No. 2, and to
4esignate a place or to indicate a limit.

The compounds thus obtained with hore specify Predicates denoting
indicate the place of rest or the limit or terminus of a motion vaguely

(1) nehdre

(2) netdkore
nelcdte
netdhote

etc.

somewhere here,
somewhere about here,
about up to this point,
more or less up to this place.

(3 & 4) j eta tore
jo take te
jatakote
ehetankore
etc.

NoTE.—The syllable 1:8 in kvre } kote seems to be but the Indefinite Demonstrative ol'&

PAET I. WORDS USED ADVERBIALLY. 73

modified by them denotes motion to or from a place. Hence'

to the middle,
from the middle.

su bate .. . downwards.

subaete 9 etc. ... from below.

from afar.

nanrete* ... near to (a place),

close by.

Mete (sdate or sdete) wlien the Predicates to be modified by them
some less well-determined point of space, a vaguely indicated direction,,
set of Adverbs of Place —

somewhere in the middle,
somewhere to the middle.

somewhere from the middle.

subaidre

subatdie

subatdte

etc.

... somewhere below.

... somewhere downwards,
... from somewhere below.

by placing the Definite Demonstratives ne, en, ban before them —

above there.

above there somewhere.

up there.

up there somewhere.

kanchetanre ... above yonder.
hanehetantare above yonder somewhere-.
hanchetante ... up yonder.

Tianehetantdte ... up yonder somewhere,
etc.

enta ( ensd ), hantd (, hansd ); (3) to jetd 9 jatd r sobentd (sobensa) ; {4) to
compounds of the same with td ( sd ) ; (5) to Nouns there and then used

rest ; those with Jcote modify Predicates denoting motion to • They
or approximately, not very exactly —

somewhere about,
to some point or place,
to any place at all,
somewhere above,
etc.

(5) RanchiJcdre ... somewhere in Eanchi.
JRanchitdkbre ... somewhere about Eanchi,
mul'icribokote about knee-deep ; literally
about up to the head of
the knee.

nom%

74

MCTDAKI GRAMMAR.

It may be remarked here that the Adverbs of Place seem to clearly
bear out the statement made in the Introduction that distinct parts of
Bpeeoh as such, i.e., with permanent characteristics and with limited
functions of their own, have not as yet been evolved in Mundari —

1st. We here meet with a set of words which, without undergoing any
change, are used indifferently both as Postpositions and as Adverbs of
Place. Such are the compounds chctanre, etc., enumerated under
No. 2.

2nd.— These same compounds may, again without undergoing any
change of form, be used as Transitive or Intransitive Predicates. For
this it suffices to suffix to them a Pronominal Subject and a Copula,
and, if need be, an appropriate Tease-suffix.

Pred. Subj. Cap. Pred. Subj. Cop.

fVietanre-ho-a .—they are above. Chetante-Jco-a They go above.

Pred Subj. Tense Cop.

Aiarte - - ko - - jan - - a They went ahead.

The compounds under No. 1 are similarly used as Intransitive
Predicates, v. gr. —

Okore*ka-a f Where are they? Ohote-Jco-jan-a ?— Where did they go ?
Ohote.m4m.-a ?- Whither dost thou go now t—Hante-le-a , We shall go to that
place yonder.

3rd.— It has been stated in the chapter on Postpositions that re, ie,
ete \ 6tc " are sufBxec! _ to Nouns and Pronouns to perform the functions
whioh our Prepositions perform in connection with Nouns and
Pronouns.

But here we see those same Postpositions suffixed to the unaltered
Demonstrative roots~«c, en, han. Now, in the preceding chapters we
have met these Demonstratives with an Adjective function only In
this Adjective function they always precede the Noun or Pronoun they
qualify, as in ne horo,- this man ; en koro, -that man ; / M n dam, -yonder
tree: or in han-i^—jo nder one; han-Mng,— those two yonder; han-ko,—
those yonder. Here those same roots no longer qualify any Noun or
Pronoun: they stand quite independently, and they take the suffixes
re te ete etc., m the manner and meaning in which these suffixes are
attached to Nonas and Pronouns.

We may therefor, say that the Denonetrativa, «, en, lan perform

. o£ , Noms “ Adrerbial eomponods ; that they are
»e.d SuhstaatiTely, not Adjectiyely; they are by themeeives aloae

equivalent to the .English Koun + Demons! rat ire— this thing, this

place

Part I.

WORDS USED ADVERBIALLY#

76

ne-re, in the (this place). The same remark applies to the words
chetan , am\ etc. (see No. 2) : hence the compounds chetan~re y aiar-re 7
©tc., literally mean— in the above, in the ahead, etc.

To sum up —

(1) We have first met the Demonstratives ne y en y han with a

distinctively Adjective function .

(2) Here we find the same unaltered forms with a Substantive

function for the purpose of forming Adverbial compounds.
(S) The compounds thus obtained are not restricted to their
Adverbial functions ; they may without undergoing any
change of form assume an Intransitive function ,

Again —

(1) We have met the words chetan , aiar 9 etc, with a Transitive or

an Intransitive function ; some such as sirma tafa , with
both a Substantive and a Transitive or Intransitive function *

(2) Here we find the same words assuming a Substantive func-

tion for the purpose of forming Adverbial compounds or
Postpositions.

(3) The compounds thus obtained are not restricted to their

Adverbial function ; they may be used with a Transitive or
Intransitive function .

(4) These same compounds assume a Substantive junction in the

complex Adverbs — me chetanre , en chetanre y etc., because
in these forms chetanre , etc., are preceded by the Demon-
stratives ne, en 7 han used Adjecfcively, Le. y as qualificative
to a Noun.

II. — Adverbs of Quantity.

1. A certain number of Indefinite Demonstratives are used
adverbially without undergoing any change in form—

isu, much.
isupurd , very much.
pur a, much.

erage, very much.
mermer, very much.
timba, very much.

bete/can, very much.

luring, little.

luring luring, very little.

Ge is very frequently suffixed to the above as emphatic enclytic.
Era seems never to be used without the suffix ge . *

2. The Definite and Interrogative Demonstratives in which the
quantitative min cccurs are never used Adverbially without the suffix

76

MUNDAEI GRAMMAR.

ang or ung. The change of a into u seems to be caused by the vowel eY
The forms in ung are less frequent than those in ang—

chiminang, 7
chiminung, $
iminang,
iminang,

how much ?
J that much.

niminang , ] tMs muck
nimmung, j

haminang, 7 ag mnc ] 1 ag that y on $ er ,

6* j

haminung,

Remark. — The compounds iminang , niminang, and haminang are also used as Corielative
Adverbs.

Paulus mincmgVo oldaria,— -They can write as much or' as well as Paul. Ako
iminang do kaing sendaiia, — I cannot walk as well or as far as they can.

3. The suffixes sd or duang are added to the Adverbs under No. 2>
and to isUf purd, isupnrd , huring , and hiring huring to form Compar-
ative Adverbs of Quantity.

Isusd , — many times. Chimin aorgsd , — how many times P iminangsd , — as often as
that. The forms iminangsd, niminang sd, and haminang sd are also used as
Correlatives.

4. Leka, suffixed to the compounds under No. 1, and to isu, purd,
huring , huring huring , isupurd transforms them into approximate
Adverbs of Quantity—

chimin ang leka, about how much ?

iminangleka, about this much.

Tea, about this much.
Jiaminangleka , about as much as that

yonder.

purdleka, pretty much.
hwringletca, a little, rather little.

isuleka, pretty much.
isupuraleka, very much.
huring huring leka, very very little.

Remark.— Iminangleka, niminangleka, haminangUka are used also as Correlative
Adverbs.

Paulus iminanglekaiug hudumadayia, — I can throw about as far as Paul.

III. — Adverbs of Manner,

l. The following are used adverbially without taking any

suffix : — .

isu (asu), very.
erage, very.

hodege, quickly, at once J
sekerage , quickly.
rokage, suddenly.
kaiom, unexpectedly.

wpaige, in vain, without rhyme or
reason, unprofitably.

samage, in vain, without rhyme or
reason, for nothing,
without profit, without
clothes, with an emp f y
stomach, without hav-
ing eaten.

oner mer , very intensely,
krnted', intensely, violently.
hetekan , very much.

l Ur a age, j on! ^’ alone -

eskar, eskarge, only.

Part I.

WORDS USED ADVERBIALLY.

77

2. The Postposition te is sometimes used to denote maimer.
*W ith this function it is suffixed to some of the words under No. 1

as well as to some others, especially

Adverbs of Manner.

mmyrite , slowly, softly (of sound and

motion) .

manri manrite , very slowly, very

softly.

micVte (mis ate), together.
humbalte, difficulty.
berelte , raw (not boiled).

I and ate, laughingly.

kaldate, quite loud (shoutingly).

eJelatante , tremblingly (being trem-
bling).

suhute, gladly, with joy.
borotc , timidly, with fear.
sojete , straight, in a straight line.

Intransitive Predicates, to form

se Jeer ate, quickly.

bodete , quickly.

midagate, suddenly.
rabalte, easily.
petote, raw (green, unripe),
vat ante, cryingly,witli tears.
lancliate , lazily {lit., idlingly).
rasikate, gladly, joyfully.

Jm-borote, fearlessly.
gandite , . '.-'.y
gandete, j crookedly.

Remark. — Here, again, we have Numerals like mid', misd, Intransitive and Transitive
Predicates like lode, sekera, hakla, boro, etc., and even Definite Present Tenses like rat an,
eklatan, and Qualitatives like hambal, mbal,peto } bevel, assuming a Substantive function and
taking the suffix te.

If it be admitted that these words have a Substantive function in
the compounds enumerated here, then it is readily understood how the
suffix te has come to denote manner, just as, v. gr n the English termin-
ation ly, which latter has no longer any meaning if taken by itself
alone; for then these compounds must be considered as a kind of
Instrumental Case. Thus mid'te means, literally, with unity. Mutte,
with ensemble —

bodete, with celerity.

$elcer ate ?f „

eJelatante, with actual trembling.

JcaJdate, with shouting.
landlady with laziness,
rat ante, with actual weeping

3. A very ordinary mode of forming Adverbs and Adverbial
phrases of Manner, consists in suffixing leka or Meats : (1) to the
Definite, Indefinite and Interrogative Demonstratives ; (2) to Nouns
and Pronouns ; (3) to Adverbs of Time ; (4) to Active and Passive
Predicates with, or without their Subjects or Objects —

a)

chilelca {chileJeate), how ? in what

way P

Jianleha {Jianlekate),
banka ( JianJeate ),

i

in the same
manner as
that yond-
er.

oJcoleka (oJcoZekate), like what ?

enleJca (enlekate), 1 m that man-
enka ( enkate ), ] ner.

jaleka ( jalekate ), in any man*

ner, any way
at all.

jetalelea (jetalekate), in some man-
ner.

78

MUJS’DABI GRAMMAR.

The contracted forms enka , neka 9 hanka , enkate, nekate , hankate are

used as frequently as the full forms — enlekate, etc, —

f like a ser-
dasilelca , 1 vant, in

dasilekate , 1 a menial

(2) rajaleka , 7 like a king,
rajalekate , j royally.

| like me .

• : fCQ$@2 J

(3) ndleka , *) like just

ndlekate , j now,

etc.

etc.

Si. ]“»•

etc.

— p:r;

enanglekate , j

v. ago.

jontulelca ,
j ontulelcate.

flike a
< beas t ,
( beastly.

aSlelca ,
aelekate,

honderleka ,
honderlekate

| like him,

C 1 1

3 so
,1 da
V ag<

k e
m e
ays
ago.

(See IV. — Adverbs of Time.)

Rema.rk.-~ T he Adverbs thus obtained are used as correlatives, v. yr. —

EiiangUJcabu inurtga , — Let us play as we e&c? a wAife ago, or let us play the same game
which ice played a while ago .

(4) aiumoleka ( te ), audibly — {literally like being heard).

bujhauole/ca ( te ), intelligibly ( „ like being understood),

atlcaroleha (te), perceptibly ( „ like being perceived).

leloleha {te), visibly ( „ like being seen),

nelurumolelca {te), recognisibly( „ like being recognised).
darioleka {te), possible (v. gr it looks possible) — literally , like being

feasible.

Etc.

Remark.— O f all these, the corresponding negatives are formed by pre axing Jca-Ka-aiu-
mGleka (te), inaudibly ; ha-bujhauolcha {te), unintelligibly.

Other compounds obtained by suffixing leka to Predicates must
generally be rendered into English by some dependent clause —

Med 1 lanolehatem senbaratana, — Thou walkest about as if thou hadst no eyes
Ape kape aiumjad'lekave taintana hanre, — You fellows retnain over there just as
if you did not hear [as though you had not heard me (or some one else) calling
you]. Rasutanleham lelotana, — Thou lookest as if thou wert sick, Jultanleka
lelotana, — It looks as if it were burning, i.e it looks shining bright, it looks
like fire.

5. No, noge are suffixed to Adjective Predicates with an Adverbial
function. They must generally be rendered into English by the

Adverb pretty —

sibil s tasty ; sibilnoge , pretty tasty.
sibihioge-a , it is pretty tasty.

6

cates

rabal , light ; rahalnoge, pretty light.
rabalnoge-a, it is pretty light,

Tbe following are suffixed to Transitive or Intransitive Predi-
with an Adverbial function. These suffixes form a single

Compound Predicate with the words to which they are suffixed : hence
the Yoice, Mood, and Tense-signs are placed behind these Adverbial
Suffixes.

Paet I.

WORDS USED ADVERBIALLY.

79

I

Tab, dab , or ba, quickly, fast; c?iaba 9 completely; JRuar or rura, again.
Senotab , to go fast. Olruar, to rewrite, to write oyer again. Bairuar or
bairura, to repair. Olehaba , to write out completely, to finish off a writing.
Jomchaba , to eat up completely, to finish off the whole food set before one.

Of the above, chaba, ruar or rura are also used as independent
Predicates ; chaha meaning to complete some work, ruar or rura mean-
ing to return, to come back.

Observation.— The use of Adverbs is more restricted in Mundari than in our languages,
because where we use a Verb with an Adverb, they often use the word corresponding to our
Adverb with a transitive or intransitive function.

Beginners, however, must beware of an indiscriminate use of this method ; for in a certain
number of cases the use of a Predicate with an Adverb is the more ordinary construction,
whereas in other cases Adverbs alone are used transitively or intransitively in their original
meaning. Thus, v. gr., liud' means crooked. Emile liud'a means that we call crooked,
Liud'me, make it crooked. Practice is the only safe guide in this matter.

IV.— Adverbs of Time.

chimtang l
ebimta ? ... ...

chiula ? ...

9l&

imtang

ne imtang

nimiang

enlmtang

Jianimtang

jeiaimfang
jaimtang ...

jetaimtangka

jaimtangoka

jaitla.

ckmlaoka

janao

jonomjonom ...

ianaoka

neskan

naike

wge

gavikad'rs

lika

etiang

nda, sidare
sidate

aiar, aiur } aiarre
taiom, taiomre ...
taiomte , taiomkote
pofton re

j When P At what time ?

When ? What day ?

Now.

Then.

| Just a moment ago.

Just a moment before
that.

Just a moment before
that (£. e-, an event
long since past).

At some time.

At any time, at any
moment.

At no time, never.

Never, at no time what-

Any day.

Never.

Always.

Always.

Never.

This time.

! After a while, shortly !
i J ust a moment 1

A while ago,

*> Before, sooner, first, at
) first.

Before, sooner.

\ Afterwards, later, later
/ on.

In the very beginning.

tnndure
j misd misd
mosd mosd
is us a, purasd ...
isupurasd ...

isudaang , pura-
duang.

i 8 upuraduang ...

Using, ising

kola

gapa

holdtere

gapadanang
\ meang
lisingapa
\ nimir
j hander

\ bonder bonder ...
ban bonder
musing, musing
hnlang ,

enbeter , enbetera ...
enbeter ang
sings gtu¥
ma, vnaha
kalom, kalomre ...
kalomkore
dindki "
dinaki dindfei v.»
angom®, ango*
mutid,

sirjna sirma ...
niosat sirma ...
misat sirma: ...

jn roe Degmmng, at first.
In the end, at the end.

1 Sometimes, now and
/ again.

Often, frequently.

Very often.

Often.

Very often,

To-day.

Yesterday.

To-morrow.

The clay before yester-
day.

1 The day after torn: or-
/ row.

j- Now-a-days,

Some days ago.

Long ago.

That time, long ago.

Once upon a time, some
day.

} At that time.

The whole day long.

Last year.

7 After one year, next
S year.

j- Daily.

Every day, daily.

Every year, yearly.

| Two years ago.

Anri after a while, not yet, before. (For construction see Future, page 137 )

80

MTJNDAEI GRAMMAR.

To these may be added a list of words and phrases nsed by the
Mundas to designate the different parts or hours of the day. Besides
the natural divisions, such as the different positions of the sun, the
Mundas have adopted some others taken from their daily work —

Bimho auri rare, long before daybreak ; literally , before the cocks crow.

Bkla simlco rare, a little before daybreak : literally, when the cocks crow-
first.

Angore, ango dipli, at dawn,

Singi turo, singi turore ; Singiturtanre, at sunrise*

Apar ana dipli, about 8 a.m.; literally, at yoking time, wben oxen are yoked
to the plough.

LancUa tihin, about 10 A.M.; literally , lazy noon, i.e when lazy people leave
their work.

Tihin 9 1 r ISToon*

Mali tihin 1 at ^ 0 ( ^ oc ^ 5 ^ite) ally £ g^jg^ n00Di exact noon.

Rare singi, about 2 p.m.; literally, at the crooked sun, when the sun is
oblique.

Tara singi, about 4 p.m ; literally , when the sun stands midway between noon
and sunset.

j Eta sang, afternoon, i.e., the other half-day.

Basang da dipli, between 4 and 5 p M.; literally, at water- fetching time, i.e.,
when women go to get water for the evening meal.

JJri ader dipli, between 5 and 6 p.m.; literally, when it is time to drive the
cattle home.

■ at sunset.

Singi hasur ,

Singi Rubai,

Mandi jom dipli, supper time, ie„ after sunset.

Aiub f , aiub're , evening, in the evening.

Tala nida, )

Tala niotare, jatuudmght.

Enangsa, in to-day’s forenoon.

Nasd, this afternoon.

Giti dipli, bedtime, time to lie down.

Nida, nidare, night, at night.

Mid'sanj, *?

Mod'sanj, j ^alf a worl£in 2 day, half of the full number of working hours.

VII.-CONJUNCTIONS.

1st . — The various forms of the Indefinite Demonstrative oro are
used as Conjunctions without taking any suffix.

PaRT I.

CONJUNCTION'S.

81

They stand chiefly as a lint between words in enumerations. They
are less frequently used by the Mundas to connect propositions with
each other —

A4 f , ado, or6, ondo, ondo =£ and*

Munda oro pahartking hijulena, — The village-chief and the sacrifice!* hare
corn© ; literally , the village-chief 4- the sacrifice!’ have come.

2nd. — The ordinary Co-ordinative Conjunctions connecting pro*
positions with each other are formed by suffixing te to the Definite
Demonstrative m or to the Pronoun ena.

It will be seen further on (page 208) that te is often suffixed to the
Past Tense to denote a simple priority of one action over another.
Here in the Compounds ente , enate , te has evidently the same function*
Hence these Compounds may very accurately be rendered into English
by — that being so , or that being done , or that being said , i.e., thereupon ,
and then .

Ente (entedo) ; enate ( enatedo ) ; enad f (enad'do) ; ente enad', — and
then, thereupon.

N.B ,~ The form enad' is most likely a contraction of enatedo. If to tins, again* do b©
added by a false analogy, the form enad'do is obtained.

3rd . — The Causal Conjunctions are obtained by suffixing monte to
the Demonstrative Pronouns nea or ena—

Neamente for this ; enamente } for that, therefore.

iV. B. —Men moans to say ; mente literally means by saying, saying, (For the various
transforred significations of this form, page 61 .)

Remark . — Do is generally suffixed to neamente , enamente when these Conjunctions are
followed by the Negative Particle Jca s as neamentedo ha, not indeed for this reason ;
ewmuniedo lea, not indeed for that reason.

Utli,— Conditional Conjunctions are formed by suffixing re either to
en f ena or to the Quantitative imin (that much).

It has been stated that re is suffixed to Transitive and Intransitive
Predicates to form Compounds equivalent to our Conditional clauses
and Temporal clauses.

In the Compounds enre, mare , iminre, it occurs in the same func-
tion: hence these Compounds are correctly rendered into English, thus:
enre, during that , in the meanwhile ; also, if that be so; enare , if gv
in case that be so.

B U

82

MUXDARI GRAMMAR.

The Adverb o, too, also, even, is always suffixed to iminre and often
to enre —

JEnre

in tlx© meanwhile.
, notwithstanding.

Bnreo, even if, even then.

Iminreo, even then notwithstanding ; literally?
even if it be so much.

Barsaaing raMa iminreo kae hijutaua, — I called him twice, notwithstanding that
he does not come.

Eemaek. — In Negative Conditional propositions no Conjunction is used, but'
re is suffixed to the Predicate.

If you do not come, ‘—ham hijii-re. If he had not been sick,— -kae hasulen-re.
Literally, In thy not coming. In his not having been sick.

Bill . — Disjunctive Conjunctions are formed by suffixing re to ha (not)
or to ban (band, not to be) —

Kare ( haredo ), or else, or if not ; (either) or.

Banre ( banredo ), „ „ ; „ .

Merom tolime haredoe mra,— Tic the goat or else it will run away.

Haredo, banredo may also stand after the Predicate—

Chatu nere alom dota, rapudda Tcaredo , —Don’t place the waterpot here or
else it will be smashed.

Only one Conjunction is used in Disjunctive sentences: there is no
special word corresponding to either in the English Compound Dis-
junctive either ...... or.

Nere ord saurite haredo keohoteko dabea, — Here they cover the houses either
with straw or with tiles.

Observation.— Mundas pretty often merely juxtapose words and even propositions where we
would use conjunctions.

In narratives, especially in rehearsing their scanty stock of popular stories, the Conjunc-
tions cnie, enate t tidedo, enatedo , euad, mad' do are repeated with a most tedious profusion.

Honang is used in connection with Indicative Mood-forms to express
that something would be done, would have been done, etc., if a certain
condition were fulfilled. (See pages 204 and 205.)

Part I.

INTRiaiOTIOKg.

83

AFFIRMATIVE* NEGATIVE, AND DT7BITATIVE PARTICLES.

Me, hege,
m 9

be or 6 \
he derang ,
hegedanfff
he lionmig ,

kacM,

Jcaoro,
lea, leage,
band, hanoge,
nala , n at age.

| yes.

I of course,
j to be sure,
truly, surely, it
would be so if.
isn’t it ! indeed F
isn’t it ! to be sure,

^ no.

kagedo,
kmr6,
idu,
idmrd,
idtiro ,
idtifam ,
idu hale,

| certainly not, by no means.

perhaps,

perhaps, it may be
who knows ?

I don't know,
who can tell !

cdo is a prohibitive or preeative negative

particle, which takes the Personal
Pronouns as suffixes.

(For construction, see Part III,
page 170.)

INTERJECTIONS.

Mar ! all right I go on 1 go ahead 1 (denotes approval).
maHobe! ditto (exhortative).

he marl all right i (answers to a statement or request).

dot a ! come along (a familiar exhortative. It generally takes the Pronominal
Suffixes tang and bu).

dollang l come along thou ! let’s go both of us 1
dolabu / come along you ! let’s go all of us !

ju / away ! get away ! (this is a polite expression in connection with senime
only).

ju senome /
mar senSme !
emome mar /

mar lieu ! all right then ! come on then ! (a very familiar address; ,

ela / beta / hallo ! (surprise, regret).

heina !
ajdga l
manga t

lee ! indeed ! how wonderful ! Do you really mean to say so ?

]

alas I (pain, sorrow, grief).

^ good-bye ! good-bye then !

Tirbole ! denotes intense joy and applause, at some one having, for instance,
hit a mark or target with an arrow ; or at some similar feat,

A ! is used only in familiar address, chiefly to children. It never stands
alone ; it may be suffixed to any of the above Interjections, to Nouns, Pronouns,
Predicates, or to any word representing a proposition, as, v. gr. $ elliptical ques-
tions or replies.

In some districts children at play or in conversation with each other use this
Interjection very freely.

84

MUNDAKI GBAMMAK.

Mar-a ! all right. Hij&me-a / come thou ! a m-a / thou there ! Tobepe-a /
go ahead then you I (here tobe, and then, is used intransitively in the Imperative
Mood, with the Interactional Suffix a). Okoi-« ? Who (struck, understood)*
Patras- <*. Peter (struck, understood). Peter protests saying, l£ae-a / No ! (Here
the e is merely euphonic.)

Eho ! hey ! (is familiar to grown-up men. ITo seems to be a contraction of
ftorot man. Ho is the ordinary form for koro among the Larka Khols).

Ga ! This is used familiarly to such women only as are related to the speaker.
It is suffixed to he or e, yes, as, eg a ! to lea (no), Icagct ! to am and ape t amga I
ajoega I and to Imperatives, v.gr.> Hjumega ! come here !

Na ! is similarly suffixed in addresses to girls.

Emphatic, Dubitative, and Corrective Suffixes.

Ge is an Emphatic ..Suffix which may generally Tbe translated by
indeed , certainly, of course.

It may be suffixed to any word at all. If, however, it be used to
emphasize a Transitive, Intransitive or Adjective Predicate, it becomes
an Infix , since in that case it stands between the complete Predicate-
form and the Copula, v. gr He will come, hijuae. He will surely
come, high-ge- ae.

Ja and ter a are Dubitative Suffixes equivalent to perhaps, perchance,
may be. If suffixed to Predicates, they stand after the Copula, 0 . gr.,
May be he will come, — Hijuae-ja or Mjuae4era.

JDo is a Corrective Suffix.

1st > — It may very often be translated by but, however . In this
function it is generally suffixed to the first word of the sentence, which
in English would be introduced by but —

Ini -do kaeajana, — but that one did not agree. Gapa-cfco hijua,— but he will
come to-morrow.

2nd . — It is used in really corrective replies, whether affirmative or
negative, where in English no equivalent word would be used —

Is this the village-chief ? Ni Munda tanichi P No, this is not the Munda,—
Ni Munda-cto ka. Is that one the chief? Ini Munda chi? No, this is the
Munda,— Ea, m-do Munda, or Mundane nlge.

$rd*~ It is very frequently suffixed to the Conditional Mood-form
in re—

If he be not at home, bring this letter back, but if he be, give it 'to him,—
Bang&ire no chitti auruajme, menaire-cto omaime.

Part I. emphatic, dubitative, and corrective suffixes.

85

ht'h. — It is used with a limitative function, and thus may often he
rendered by the phrases as far as that is concerned , so far as that goes .

In this function it is suffixed to Predicates only. The Predicate
must be repeated, viz., first stands the original form, with do as Suffix,
and then the full Predicate with Copula, Yoice, Mood, and Tense-
suffixes —

He can pay, he is the village-chief, — Hal dariae, Munda tant He is the
chief so far as the name goes, but he has no money, — Munda -do munda akanae
takado banoatae.

I can reach it, but I cannot lay hold of it (i.e., as far as reaching it is con-
cerned it can be reached), — Teba-rfo tebagoa, mendo sab kaing dayia ,

Derang and chimad ' are emphatic Particles whieh are not merely
affixed to other words, hut they occupy an independent position in the
sentence. They are equivalent to the English certainly , surely , to be
sure 9 forsooth.

Hij uae chimad', — He will surely come.

Derang is chiefly used in certain Conditional sentences (see page
205).

For the meaning and use of honang see pages 204 and 205.

MUNDARI GRAMMAR®

EQUIVALENTS OP DECLENSIONS.

1. Tlie so-called Cases of Nouns and Pronouns, if considered as
attributes of words, are indicative of the various relations in which
Nouns and Pronouns stand to the Predicate of a proposition, or to each
other as parts of a proposition.

2. As stated in the Introduction, three of those relations are
never denoted in Mundari Nouns or Pronouns by any Suffix, viz. (1)
that of the Subject or Nominative Case; (2) that of the Direct Object or
Accusative to a Transitive Predicate; (8) that of the Indirect Object or
Dative to Transitive or Intransitive Predicates : hence we may say
Mundari equivalents of Organic Nominatives, Accusatives and Datives of
Nouns and Pronouns do not differ from each other in form. They are
either the bare root, or the root plus the Dual Suffix, or the root plus the
Plural Suffix.

The oontext of the proposition and to some extent the position occu-
pied by a Noun or Pronoun in a sentence must show whether that Noun
or Pronoun is the Subject or a Direct ot an Indirect Object.

Regarding the position of these three Cases, it may be given
as a more or less general rule that the Subject or Nominative stands
first, the Dative second, and the Accusative third —

N. A.

j£W.— Gomke clasie rakfa, — The master called the servant.

NT. X). A.

Gomke dasi talabe ornaia, — The master gave the servant his wages.

8. All the other relations denoted by declensional Oases with or
■without Prepositions in Aryan languages are in Mundari expressed
by suffixing to Nouns or Pronouns some one or other of the Postposi-
tions enumerated in the Chapter on Postpositions.

What has been there said concerning the various meanings of each
Postposition suffices to show how our purely Locative Accusatives and
Ablatives as well as all other Ablatives and Datives are to be rendered.

4. There remains, however, one difficulty, viz., the correct render-
ing of our Genitive Cases. As many as five different Suffixes are
used to express the various relations connoted by the single Genitive
Case-form. The reason of this is that the Mundas treat all, these rela®
tions as merely local ones ; in other words, the Organic Genitive is
by the Mundas split up into several Locative Cases or relations ,

Pam II.

EQUIVALENTS OF DECLENSIONS,

87

A few considerations to show how they view those relations. These
considerations will at the same time point out the reason for the use
of each Suffix, and thus assist the memory and facilitate the practical
acquisition of these equivalents—

1st . — In a certain number of our Possessive and Partitive Genitives
the spatial nature of the relation is easily discerned, v. gr n the men
of the village, the trees of the forest What is directly indicated by these
Genitives is a mere relation of space, vis;., either the existence oi inani-
mate objects in a certain place or the habitual dwelling of living beings
within a certain area. These Genitives may even in English be render-
ed by a Preposition of Space : the trees in the forest, the men in the
village.

This is mainly the mode of rendering them adopted by the Mundas:
(a) they suffix re (in) to the Noun or Pronoun denoting a place ; then
if the Genitive in question depend on a word denoting a living being?
the Demonstrative en (that) is added to re. This yields the Compound
Suffix ren.

Hatu-re-en horo becomes haiuren horo ; literally, that man in the
village, i.e. 9 the man of the village.

The last part of the Compound Suffix ren is in reality' a Demonstra-
tive Adjective qualifying the Noun which governs the Genitive, ue. s in
the present instance the word horo ,

Since no Adjectives take the Dual or Plural Suffixes, it is plain that
the Suffix ren remains unchanged even if the governing Noun be in the
Dual or Plural —

Haiu-ren hofohing,— Those two men in the village, i.e. s the two men of the
village.

Matu-ren horolco , — Those men in the village, i.e. f the men of the village.

(b) If the Genitive in question depend on a word denoting inani-
mate objects, the Impersonal Pronoun a (it) is added to re. This yields
the Compound Suffix red. Hence —

The door of the house,— Ord-m* ductr, means literally the door it in the
house.

The trees of the forest,— JBir-r ed claru, means literally the trees they in the
forest.

2nd . — Such Genitives as peace of mind, the meaning of the word
can, even in English, be intelligibly rendered by the Preposition in,

88

MUNDARI GRAMM AR.

although, the relation hero signified is no longer a purely spatial one :
hence —

Mon-red sului ; literally , peace it in the mind : peace of mind.

Kaji -red mundi ; literally, the meaning it in the word : the meaning of the
word.

3rd. — Genitives denoting the dimensions of something, the material of
which something is made, the price of something, and the age of some
being are all rendered in the same way, viz. —

By the Suffix ren if they depend on words denoting living beings.

By the Suffix red if they depend on words denoting inanimate objects.

Ex . —

A ring of gold, — Samrom-red mndam ; lit., the ring it in gold.

A bamboo of S yards, — Api muka-red mad 9 ; lit., the bamboo it in 8 yards.

A cloth of 2 rupees, ~~Bar taka-red lija' ; lit., the cloth it in 2 rupees.

£th. — The family is conceived as a moral unit or totnm. On this
assumption the relation between its members becomes one of mutual
p artnership and not of real ownership . Consequently the Suffix used
to denote it is the same as that which is used for Partitive Genitives.
Of course the Demonstrative tn is substituted for the Impersonal d
beoause there is question of living beings : hence re-en = ren instead
of red . This is strictly observed to denote the relation between husband
and wife—

Ex.-

The wife of the village-chief, — Munda-ren kuri.

Baku's wif e,—Paku-7'en kuri.

Sumi’s husband, — Smnhren kora .

The relation between parents and children is frequently expressed
in the same way. However, in this case, the idea of partnership is no
longer so rigorously insisted on, and the ordinary Possessive Suffix d is
used perhaps more frequently than the Partitive Suffix ren, thus show-
ing that the relation between parent and child partakes already of the
nature of real ownersnip—

Ex. — Baku’s sou, — Paku-ren hon or Paku-d hon.

5th. — The relation between a master and his servants is not conceived
as one of real ownership, nor yet as that of real partnership, but
merely as one of constant attendance : hence it is expressed by means of
the Compound Locative Suffix tare, about, near , around, plus the Demon-
strative en, he,, tdren —

Ex*~-~ The servant of the village- chi ef , — Mimda4dren dasi; lit,, the servant
the one about the village- chief.

Pabt II.

EQUIVALENTS OF DECLENSIONS*

89

The relation between a master and his domestic animals is often
expressed in the same way—

Ex* — Paku’s cattle, — TaJcu-t&ren iirilco ; lit., the cattle those about Paku.

It is even used sometimes of children—

Ex, — Paku’s children,— PaJcu-t&ren honlco ; lit., the children those about Paku.

Eemark. — T he use of the purely Possessive Suffix a' is apparently getting more common
for the cases enumerated above. This must, I think, be attributed to two causes—

(1) The ever-extending use of Hindi or Sudani.

(2) The very unidiomatie Mundari spoken by missionaries and imitated by their cate-

chists and other servants.

6th. — All other Possessive and Partitive Genitives of Nounsand
Pronouns denoting living beings are rendered by means of the Suffix
k (to)—

Ex . — The house of Paku, — Palm-a ora; literally, the house to Paku.

Thy cloth,— Am*a lifd ; lit., the cloth to thee *

Bemark. — P artitive Genitives, such as the horse's head, the branches of the tree, may
also be rendered by mere juxtaposition, v, gr, —

Sadom-bo, instead of Sadom-d bd, a horse head.

Dant-koio, instead of daru-rakoto, tree branches.

What has so far been said may he summed up into the following
rules : —

L — Nouns and Pronouns standing as Subjects, Direct or Indirect
Objects take no Suffix indicative of case relations,

IX — Possessive Genitives of Nouns and Pronouns depending on the
word servant or its synonyms are generally rendered by means of the
Suffix tdren , sometimes by the Suffix d—

Jila gomke tdren ehaprassi chitti auakadac,— The chaprassi of the Deputy
Commissioner has brought a letter. SamuJ tdren dasie nirjana, — The servant
of Samu has run away.

III. — Possessive Genitives of Nouns and Pronouns depending on the
words child, son 9 daughter , father , mother , brother , sister are often render-
ed by means of the Suffix ren f sometimes by tdren, more frequently
by d—

'Bakmi;4dren ^

Pahau?<4**tt > kuri-hon Assamte arkid'idikiako, — They (viz,, the

Pahang I coolie-catchers) have taken the daughter of the
sacrificsr to Assam.

B 12

90

MTJKBAEI GRAMMAR.

~ IV.- Possessive Genitives of Common or Proper Nouns and Pronouns
denoting persons are rendered by means of the Suffix ren when they
depend on the words husband or wife—

Mimda-wfc lain hola ruatee goejana, — The Mandat wife died of fever
yesterday. Budunbmj Bora eragee kasuakana,—The husband of Buduni is
very sick.

V. — All the other Possessive and Partitive Genitives of Nouns or
Pronouns denoting living beings not enumerated in the preceding rules
must he rendered by means of the Suffix d —

Am-taren da si- a lija lojana, — The cloth of thy servant got burnt. Sigin-d
ora handirijana,— The house of Sigin has collapsed.

VI. — Genitives of Proper or Common Nouns or Pronouns denoting
seas, rivers, countries, totem, space or places, or single objects there and
then considered as a place or a container of something must be rendered
by the Suffix ren when they depend on words denoting living beings .
The same Genitives are rendered by red when they depend on words
denoting inanimate objects — *

Banchi-r<m Uraonko Boyoteko jagara, — The Uraons of Bancki speak Mundari,
Ban chi-red talaoro marang haiko inenakoa, — There are big fishes in the tank of
Banchi. BiT-ren inarako erageko chirgala, — The peacocks of the forest (i.e ,
wild peacocks) are exceedingly shy. Bit~red da lut'kun gea, — The water of the
forest is cool.

VII — Genitives denoting age , price, dimension , or the material of
which something is made must be rendered by ren when they depend
on words denoting living beings . When they depend on words denot-
ing inanimate objects , they are rendered by red or by rd —

Turui sirma-fe» lion, — A child of six years. Monro taka-raa merom, — A.;
goaf of five rupees, he., a goat worth five rupees. Monro taka- red lija, — A
cloth of five rupees. Mo did si muka-^ed oya, — A house of 20 cubits, he., a
house measuring 20 cubits. Bar muka-ma bing, — A snake of two cubits, i.e.,
measuring two cubits in length. Pital -red chipi, — A dish mad© of brass.

VIII— Partitive Genitives of words denoting inanimate objects
(i.e., Genitives denoting a part of some inanimate object or whole)
are generally rendered by means of the contracted Suffix rd, rarely by
red —

En ote-rd katingem namtadaclii P Hast thou got a share of that land P

. IX— The Definite locative of rest of Nouns or Pronouns is formed
by the Suffix re—

Bo hatu-rtf Dikuko bangkua,— There are no Hindus in this village.

Part II.

EQUIVALENTS OF DECLENSIONS.

91

The Indefinite Locative of rest is formed by tare —

’Khuviii-t&re Teliko isu oteko eserakacla, — About or around or near Xkunfci
the Telis have got hold of much land.

X. — The Definite Locative of motion to of Nouns or Pronouns denot-
ing space or places is formed by the Suffix te—

Kanchi-te sen6me,-~G-o to Eanchi. Bir-te nirjauakor-^Tliey have run away
to the forest. He lija gara -te idime, — Take this cloth to the river.

The Indefinite Locative of motion to of the same Nouns or Pronouns
is formed by idle —

The Locative of motion to of all other Nouns and Pronouns is formed
by (ate.

Aing 4dte nirairj anae, — II e came running to me . En haturen Munda- idle alom
sena,*— Do not go to the Munda of that village. He chitti gomkQ-t&te idital/mc,—
Take this letter quickly to the master.

XT. — The Definite Locative of motion from of Nouns and Pronouns
denoting space or places is formed by the Suffix ate or cte—

Hauterge kula ne lata-etfee urunglena, — A tiger came out just now from this
den. flatu -ete nirjauae, — He has run away from the village. Sirma»e£e
uiujanae* — He has fallen from the roof.

The Indefinite Locative of motion from of the same Nouns and
Pronouns is formed by the Suffix tdate or facie —

Han hatu-£dcA 5 ko niraujana, — They came running from yonder village, i.e
from somewhere near yonder village.

The Locative of motion from of all other Nouns and Pronouns is
formed by the Suffix tdate or tdete —

Pahanr4i^em hijdtana chi? Ka, Munda •tdete > — Art thou coming from the
pahan ? Ho, from the Munda.

XII. — The Instrumental Case of Nouns and Pronouns denoting
inanimate objects or irrational animals is formed by the Suffix te—

Ne ord kecho-tfe dabakana,-~This house is covered with tiles. Chipi diri-#«
karedo pital-fe ko baiea,™ They make dishes with (or out of) stone or with brass.
Ne disumre tiriko-foko siea, sadomko.fe do ka,— In this country they plough with
bullocks, but never with horses. Banduk-fe goeked'koae,— H e killed them with
a gun.

XIII. — The Instrumental Case of Nouns and Pronouns denoting
human beings is formed by suffixing d to these Nouns and Pronouns and
then adding horate. This horate is by itself the Instrumental Case of

92

munbakx grammar.

the word liora (way). It corresponds exactly to the Latin via, and may
.j therefore he rendered into English by through -

| Ama horate le ban'chaujana,— W e were sayed by thee.

i XIV.— Ablative Cases of Nouns and Pronouns denoting living beings

and depe ndin g on such words as to receive, to buy, to steal, and their
synonyms are rendered by means of the Suffix ete (see ete in the
Chapter on Postpositions) — •

JN'e sadom Samu-cfeng kiringkia,-I bought this horse from Samu.

Ebmaek.— T he words to steal, to rob, and their synonyms generally take a double aoousa-
tive —

p a ku Samu otee relia, rather than Paku Samu-ete otee rekeda,— Paku has
robbed Samu of his land. Hola dakuko api horo senhoratanko lijdlco, tariko
ad' takako reked'koako— Yesterday dacoits robbed three travellers of their
cloths, their brass plates, and their money.

XV.— The Vocative may he preceded by the Interjection e! he!
Very often the tone of the Voice alone distinguishes it from the Nom-
inative form.

In familiar addresses it may take one or other of the Inter jeetional

Suffixes given above (pages 83 and 84).

The following schemes may serve as a synoptical recapitulation of
these rules. The first scheme represents words denoting space or places.
The second represents words denoting such inanimate objects as may at
times be considered as places or receptacles. The third represents words
denoting irrational animals. The fourth represents words denoting
human beings : —

Singular, Dual, and Plural.

Subject, Direct and Indirect Object— Sir, the forest, a forest, forest or

forests.

f dependent on words de- Bir-ren , (living beings) of the forest,

j noting living beings. &c.

Locative G em * { c j epen( j ent on wor ds de- Bir-red, (inanimate objects) of the
tive. i 1 , . , r j. o

l noting inanimate objects. forest, &e.

Definite locative of rest —

Bir-re,

in the forest, &c.

Indefinite Locative of rest —

Bir-t&re ,

about, or somewhere in the
forest, &e.

Definite Locative of motion to —

Bir-te,

to the forest, &e.

Indefinite Locative of motion to —

Bir-tdte,

towards the forest, &c.

Definite Locative of motion from—

Bir-ete ,

from the forest, &c.

Indefinite Locative of motion from—

Bir-tdate or

from the direction of the

tdete.

forest, &c.

Part II.

EQUIVALENTS OF DECLENSIONS.

93

Singular.

Nominative, Dative, Accusative —
Possessive and Partitive Genitive —
Definite Locative of rest —

Indefinite Locative of rest —
Definite and Indefinite motion to —
Definite Locative of motion from —
Indefinite Locative of motion from —
Instrumental —

Ablative —

Vocative—

Seldom, the horse, a horse, horse.
Sadom-d , of the horse, the horse’s.

Sadom-re, on the horse, in the horse,
Sadom-tdre , near or about the horse.
Sadom-tdte , to or towards the horse.
Sadom-ete, from the horse.

Sadom-taete , from near the horse.

S adorn -te, with or by means of tho

horse, on horse-back,
Sadom-ete, from the horse.

He sadom l horse !

The Dual sadomking , two horses, and the Plural sadomlco , horses
take the same Suffixes as the Singular —

Ex. —

Sadomkingd, of the two horses ; sadomkingre , in or on the two horses.
Sadomkotdre , near the horses ; sadomkoete , from the horses.

Singular.

Nominative, Dative, and Accusative
Possessive Genitive dependent on
the word wife

Possessive Genitive dependent on
the word servant

Other Possessive Genitives-—
Definite Locative of rest-
indefinite Locative of rest —

Munda ,

Munda-ren

Munda-tdren
or d

Munda- d,
Munda-re ,
Munda-tare ,

Definite and Indefinite Locative of
motion to ... ... Munda-tdte ,

Definite and Indefinite Locative of
motion from ... ... Munda-tdate,

Instrumental— Munda-d horate ,

Ablative— Munda-ete ,

Vocative— t He Munda l

the village-chief.

(the wife) of the village-chief

(the servant) of the village-
chief.

of the village- chief,
in or on the village -chief,
near or about the village-
chief,

to the village-chief.

from the village-chief,
through the village-chief,
from the village-chief.

0 village- chief !

The Dual Mundaking and the Plural Mundako take the same Suffixes
as the Singular.

94

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

Pronouns take the Case-suffixes which would be taken by the Nouns

Singular.

Masc. & Fern.

Nominative, Dative, Accusative Aing>

I.

Genitives'— ... ... |

amg-ren,

aing-tdren,

am-d.

| my.

Definite Locative of rest—

aing-re.

in or on me.

Indefinite Locative of rest,

aing-tdre,

about me.

Definite and Indefinite Loca- \
tive of motion to— j

amg-tdte,

to me.

Definite and Indefinite Loca- 7
tive of motion from— J

aing4deie ,

from me.

Ablative —

aing-ete

from me.

Instrumental —

aind Tioraie ,

through me.

Remark.-— ouns ending in $ sometimes insert a euphonic core between this consonant

Patronymics as well as other Proper and Common Nouns are obtain
ren or tdrm, These Nouns take all the Dual, Plural) and Case-
The Singular forms thus derived from Proper names of men or
whereas the Singular forms thus derived from Proper names of women
The Plural forms thus derived from Proper names of either men or
the family of ?>., all the inmates of the house, grand-parents, husband
Pakurenlco, Paku’s family.

iV.R.-If, however, such a Dual or Plural form bo derived from the name of a man known

Remark. — The expressions the family of the inmates of the house of are more frequently
family of Paku.

JrAItT XI. PATRONYM rcS AND PROPER NOt^ s <

for which they there and then stand

Singular.

Masc. & Fern.
daii, that one.

Singular.
Masc. & Fem

that one yonder.

Sana,

Ilana-ren,

Sana-red,

Sana-rd,

Sana-re,

in or on that one
yonder.

about or near that
one yonder.

to and towards that
one yonder.

1 from, and from the
> direction of that
) one yonder,
from „

f by, with or out of
X that one yonder.

about or
near that one.

Sana-idre,

Sana-te,
Sana-tdte,
Sana-ete .

Sana-tdete ,
Hana-ete,

Ini-eie, from that one.

Ini-d lio rate, through that one.
Ini-te , (of irrational ani-

mals).

Hana4e,

and the Possessive Suffix d. Hence the forms Paulus-o 4, Paulus-e-Aj or Paulus4, of Paul,

ed by suffixing the Personal Pronouns king, ho to the Genitive in
suffixes of ordinary Nouns.

from Pronouns standing for such names always mean the wife of;
or from Pronouns standing for such names mean the husband of
women or from Pronouns standing for such names generally mean
or wife, children, grand-children, v. gr., Scmu-reni, Samu’s wife.

as a polygamist, it may mean the two wives of, or the ivives of.

rendered by suffixing te, followed by the Plural ho to the Proper name, v, gr., Pahu-te-ho, the

94

M UN DARI GRAMMAR.

Pronouns take the Case-suffixes which would be taken by the Nouns

Singular.

IVIasc. 'Sc Fern.

Nominative, Dative, Accusative Aing,

I.

Genitives— ... ^

Definite Locative of rest-

aing-ren ,

amg-tdren,

ain-d,

aing-re ,

| my.

in or on me.

indefinite Locative of rest,

aing-tare,

about me.

Definite and Indefinite Loca- 7
tive of motion to— )

aing-t&te ,

to me.

Definite and Indefinite Loca- >
tive of motion from— $

aing-tdete,

from me.

Ablative-

amg-ete

from me.

Instrumental —

aind horate ,

through, me.

Remark,— N ouns ending in s sometimes insert a euphonic e or o between this consonant

Patronymics as well as other Proper and Common Nouns are obtain
ren or tdren. These Nouns take all the Dual, Plural, and Case-
The Singular forms thus derived from Proper names of men or
whereas the Singular forms thus derived from Proper names of women
The Plural forms thus derived from Proper names of either men or
the family of ?.<?., all the inmates of the house, grand-parents, husband
Pahurenho , Paku’s family.

iO.-If, however, such a Dual or Plural form bo derived from the name of a man known

Remark.— T he expressions the family of } the inmates of the house of are more frequently
family of Paku.

Part II.

PATRONYMICS AND PROPER NOUNS.

95

for which, they there and then stand
Singular.

Ini,

Ini-ren,

Ini-tdren,

Ini-d,

Ini-re,

Ini-tdre,

Ini-tdte,

Ini-td ete 9

Masc. 8c Fem.
that one.

j* of that one.

in or on that one.

f about or
(. near that one.

to that one.
from that one.

Ini-ete, from that one.

Ini- a Jiorate , through that one.
Ini-te, (of irrational ani-

mals).

Singular.
Masc. 8c Fem.

Sana,

Uana-ren,

Sana-red,

Sana-rd,

that one yonder.

| of that one yonder.

Sana-re,

in or on that one

yonder.

Sana-tdre,

about or near that

one yonder.

Sana-te,
Sana-tdte ,
Sana-ete,

to and towards that
one yonder.

1 from, and from the
> direction of that
) one yonder.

Hana-tdete ,

Sana-ete,

from „

Sana4e,

C hy, with or out of
1 that one yonder.

and the Possessive Suffix 6. Hence the forms Paulus-o-a, Paulus-e-d, or Paulus4, of Paul.

ed by suffixing the Personal Pronouns i> king, Jco to the Genitive in
suffixes of ordinary Nouns.

from Pronouns standing for such names always mean the wife of;
or from Pronouns standing for such names mean the husband of
women or from Pronouns standing for such names generally mean
or wife, children, grand-children, v. gr. 9 Samu-reni , Samu’s wife.

as a polygamist, it may mean the two wives of, or the wives of,

rendered by suffixing te } followed by the Plural ho to the Proper name, v, <n', 3 Paku-te-ho, the

96

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

JBelait)

Europe

Belaitren,

of Europe.

Mcmclii ,

Ranchi.

Bachiren,

of Ranchi.

JELatn >

village.

Haturen,

of the village.

Nagar ,

town.

Nagarren,

of the town.

Ishul ,

school.

Ishulren ,

of the school.

JBir,

forest.

Birren ,

of the forest.

Lau,

a boat.

Lauren,

of the boat.

JeTiel,

jail.

Jehelren,

of the jail.

Raja,

king.

Raj at dr en,

of the king.

Soma

(man’s name) ,

Somaren ,

of Soma.

Sumi

(woman’s name).

Sumiren,

of Sumi.

f the wife of Soma.
Somarenking, < the two wives of
t Soma.

SumirenJco , the family of

Sumi. I

Remark. — The Compounds derived from Proper Names of Countries , toivns s and villages
immediately to the Nouns—

— Rmchirenv, a RapcMite ; Rancldking, two Ranchiites ; Ranchiho 9 Ranchiites,

Part II. patronymics and proper nouns.

Singular.

Belaitren-t,

European.

RancMreni,

Kanehiite.

Hatureni,

villager.

Nagarreni,

townsman.

Iskulrem \

school-child, a student.

f a wild beast.

Birreni,

j a savage.

1 a stupid fellow.

Laurent,

( sailor,
t passenger.

J ekelrem.

prisoner.

Rajatdrem ,

king’s servant.

Somarenig

Sonia’s wife.

Sumireni,

Sumi’s husband.

Somarenko ,

the wives of Soma, or

ike family of Soma.

Dual.

Belaitr enticing.
Ranchirenking,
HaiurenJcing .
Nagarrenhing .
Iskulrmking .

BirrenJcing .

LaurenJcing,

Jehelrenking.
Raj atdrenking .

Plural.
Belaitren-ko .
RanchirenJcch
JlaturenJco.
Nagarrenka,
Iskulrenko .

Birrenko.

BaurenJco.

Jehelrenko.

Rajatdrenko,

frequently drop the Suffix re«, in the Dual and Plural, the Pronouns king and £0 being suffixed.

m

mundaex grammar*

POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVES AND POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVE.

SUFFIXES.

Jflfc — The Possessive Genitives of Personal, Demonstrative,
Indefinite, and Interrogative Pronouns are used as Possessive Adjectives.

As such, they stand before the Noun they qualify and remain
always unchanged, i.e., they take no Suffixes indicative of either Gender,
Number, or Case*

Example.— Aind sadom, my horse ; amd urfko, thy bullocks ; akoa loeong,
their rice-fields ; inid lija, that one’s cloth; ohoid ova, whoso house? amtdren
dasi, thy servant. Nitdren honko, this one’s children.

Remark.--- 1 The Possessive Adjectives aled and ahod often drop the Suffix d before the
words tyd (bouse) and hatu (village).

Example.— Our house,— alea ora or ale ord ; our village, — ale& hatu or ale
hatu.

Their house, — akoa ova, or aleo ord ; their village, — akoa hatu, or aho hatu*

2nd . — The Possessive Adjectives my, thy , his , etc., are very fre-
quently rendered by suffixing to the Noun denoting the beings or
objects possessed the Compound Suffixes taing, tarn, tae, Ulang,
idling , tabu , tale, tape, toko —

Sadomtaing, my horse.

Ordtam } thy house.

Lijdtae, his cloth.

Hatutalang , our (my and thy) village.

Mej'omJcotaling, mine and his goat.

Unhingtabent the two bullocks belonging to you two.

Simicotalcing, the fowls belonging to the two.

Risumtabu, our (my and your) country.

Betalcotale , our (my and their) dogs*

Hale et ape t your axe, " or your axes.

Baftritafco, their garden.

Sri .— When the Possessive's my and thy qualify Nouns denoting family
relations, they are generally rendered by suffixing simply ing and me or
m to those Nouns. Me is suffixed to Nouns ending in a consonant, v.gr
hon-me, thy child ; m is suffixed to Nouns ending in a vowel, v.gr.
nga-m, thy mother*

99

Part II. possessive adjectives a m possessive adjective

SUFFIXES.

The corresponding Dual and Plural Possessives of the 1st and 2nd
Persons are rendered by means of the Suffixes talcing, ialing 9 tabu f tale
taben, tape .

The Possessive Ms or her is rendered by suffixing te to the same-
Nouns.

The Inclusive Duals and Plurals are formed by suffixing talang and
tabu respectively to the Noun* v.gr aputalang, thy and my father;
ap-utaba, your and my father.

But the Exclusive Duals and Plurals insert ing before ialing and tale .

Example. — Apuingtaling, literally, my father, his and my.

Apntingtale, literally, my father, theirs and my.

Similarly, the 2nd Person Dual and Plural inserts m or me before
taben and tape.

Example. — Bokomtdben, literally, thy junior brother, his and thy.
Bolcomtape , literally, thy junior brother, their and thy.

The corresponding Dual and Plural Possessives of the tioo and theirs
are rendered by suffixing te, plus taking and tako , respectively, to the
Nouns in question—

Apuing, my father.

Apmij thy father.

Apute, his or her
father.

Aputalang, my and thy father.
Apuingtaling , my and his or her
father..

Apumldben, the father of you
two.

Apuialcing, \ the father of the
AjputttaHng,) two.

Aputabu, my and your father.
Apuingtale, my and their father.

Apumtape, your father.

Aputal'o ,
Aputetalo, )

their father.

The Compounds thus obtained with the Suffixes ing, me or m and te
are very freely used with the declensional Suffixes. Thus —

Apuind ora, my father’s house ; apumd , of thy father ; aputed, of his father.
Apuingtdren dasi, my father’s servant; apumtdreoi, of thy father ; aputetdren t
of his father.

Apuingtdte senome, go to

f at his father’s,
t with Ms father.

my father; apwmtdte, to thy father; apuU*

tdre

Rehark,— The Dual and Plural, etc., forms, aputalang , etc., may likewise add the declen*
sional Suffixes to the Possessive Suffixes talang, etc. But this is not often done. When the
expressions our father, etc., your father , etc., stand in a Case different from the Nominative
Dative or Accusative, then they are generally rendered by the construction given under No. /
viz., the Genitive of the Personal or other Pronoun is placed before the Noun, and then the*
Case-suffixes are added immediately to the Noun itself—

Example— '-V y :

My and thy father’s, Aputalmg-d a more frequently Alangd apud.

Our brother’s servant, Bau tabutdr en dasi, more frequently Abud lautaren datu

100

MUNDABI GRAMMAR*

The same rule holds good, with a slight modification, for the forma-
tion of the Dual and Plural of the following Compounds : —

Nouns denoting family relations always take the Dual and Plural
Suffixes after the Possessive Suffixes ing 9 me or m and te 9 hut not
immediately, for te is inserted between the Possessive Suffixes and the
Suffixes king and ko , —

Example —

My two senior paternal uncles

Thy two junior paternal uncles ..

His two sisters „

My senior brothers

Thy junior brothers

His sisters „

Gungu-foig 4 e-king*

Eafca-m-te-kmg*

Misi4e-te-king.

Bau-ing4e-ko.

BoJco-m-te-ko*

Misi4e4e-ko*

The Dual and Plural Suffixes may, in the same manner, be taken
after the Possessive Suffixes talaag , idling , etc., etc., but in this case the
construction given under No. 1 is more frequent —

Example—

My two senior brothers, — Bau-ing4ale4aMng ; oftener aled bau4e-king.
Your two junior brothers j—Boko-m4ape4a-king; oftener apeaboko4e*king .

Their sisters,

misi4e-ko4a-Ico ; oftener akod wUi-feko .
misi-te-ieko ; or akod misi-te-te-ko.

JJVT.J5. — (1) In the Compounds bau-mg-tale-ta-ko, etc., the inserted te is very often changed
into ta , as in the examples given above.

(2) Nouns denoting family relations always insert te before the Dual and Plural Suffixes.
Thus fathers, apu-te-ko ; mothers, enga-te-ko ; sisters, misi-te-ko.

The above Dual and Plural compounds, in which the Singular
Possessive Suffixes ing 9 me (m) and te occur, always take the Case-suffixes ;
whereas those in which the Dual and Plural Possessive Suffixes occur
do so less frequently—

m. The house of my two senior uncles.

... The servants of thy two junior uncle®.

V 9 * | The husbands of his sisters.

a*. *

The Compounds iaing, tern, toe, talang, taling , etc., may also be
prefixed to the Noun denoting the objeot possessed.

Nea iam lijd P I* this thy cloth ? Ad'janae taing uri,— I lost my
bullock. Idiked'koakj taben meromko, — They took away the goats
belonging to you two

Example —>
Gungmngteking-d ord
KaJcamteking-t&ren iasiho
Misiteteko-ren Jcorako
Misiteteko-renko

101

Part II, possessive adjectives and possessive adjective

SUFFIXES,

This very remarkable transposition is not used as frequently as the
forms where the Possessives taing, tarn, etc., stand as Suffixes*

The ta of these Possessive Suffixes or Prefixes is no doubt the same as
the id in the Compound Possessive Suffixes taren and the Postposition
ta, which, as shown above, is probably a compound of ta plus d. Hence
taing would literally mean to me, or that which is to me, that which
belongs to me.

To judge from analogy, the Possessive Suffix te, his or hers , must
originally have been a Pronominal Demonstrative equivalent to the L b.
form i, he or she, or perhaps it was a Pronoun used both impersonally
and personally. If it be admissible, as conjectured above, that the
Impersonal Pronoun d, it, has been transferred to the function of a
Locative denoting to, it may be supposed on the same grounds that the
original Pronoun te {he, she and it) has been transferred to the same
function, and that consequently the Locative Postposition te, to, is
identically the same root as the Possessive Suffix te. The existence of
the Impersonal and Personal forms a and i would naturally lead to the
exclusive use of te in its locative function except in such original forms
as the Possessives enumerated above.

In Yakuti ta, ta occurs as Possessive Suffix of the 3rd Person
Singular, hut not as Subjective Affix.

102

M UNBAR I GRAMMAR-

Possessive

1. Possessive Pronominal Compounds are obtained from Personal,
Demonstrative n$, nea for the Singular, and

Singh

1st Person]

^Living being-s —

1

Aind-ni ,

mine

(

“ Inanim. objects —

Aind-nea,

min©

2nd Person j

f Living beings— •
[Inanim. objects—

Amd-nt,

Amd-nea,

| thine

3rd Person •

<

C Living beings —
l Inanim. objects—

Aed-ni,

Aed-nea,

| his or hers

Demonstrative

Living beings —
Inanim. objects—

Nid»ni,

Nid-nea,

) the one belonging to this
1 one.

Living beings —
Inanim. objects—

Inianz,

Inidnea,

7 the one belonging to that
5 one.

Living beings—
Inanim. objects —

JETanid-ni,
Uania-nea ,

| the one belonging to that
| one yonder.

interrogative and

(

5

f Living beings—
[Inanim. objects—

Okoid-m ?
Okoid-nea ?

| whose one P

Living beings— Chilekanid-ni ?

...

Inanim. objects— Chilekania-nea ?

Living beings — Chikanid-ni f

Inanim. objects— Chikanid-nea f

...

Living beings — Jetaid-ni

...

Inanim. objects — Jetaid-nea

Dtr

Aiiid-king, my two ones.

{ Alingdking

Amd-king, thy two.

Abend-king

»»«

Aed-king, his or her two.

Alcingd-king

** •

JSfid-lcing , the two of this one.

Hiking d-king

Inid-lcing , the two of that one.

Inking d-king

*•*

M mid-king, the two of that one yonder. Hanking a-king

.M

Okoid-king ? whose two P

Okokingd - lei ng

eeo

Jet aid-icing, or Janj etaid- king

PjLU

Aind-ko, mine •••

C Alangd-lco

*” \Alinga-ko

9 *9

&c.

&c «,

Cldlelcanidlca ?

Cldlekanlcingdlco ?

Chilekankodko ?

Chikaniako ?
Jeiaid-lco ?

Part II.

POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS.

103

Pronouns. . ,,

Demonstrative, and Interrogative Pronouns by suffixing to them e
king and ho for ill© Dual and Plural -

IiAB.

( Alangd-nt,
\Almgd-ni s
C Alangd-nea.

^ Alingd-nea,

J Ahena-ni ,
Abend-nea,

{ Akingd-nt,
Akinga-nea ,

Compounds.

( Nikinga-ni ,
l Hiking d-nea,
( Inking dni,
t Inking d-nect,
( Hanking d-nz,

mine and thine,
mine and bis or hers.

mine and thine,
mine and Ms or Iiers.

) the one which heiongs
| to yon two.

1 the one which belongs
j to the two,

7 the one belonging to
j these two.

} the one belonging to
those two.

C Abud-nt,
i Alea~w,

( Abud-nea ,
l Aled-nea,

( Aped-m,

£ Aped-nea,

( Alcod-m ,
l Akod-nea,

i Nikud-ni,
Nikud-nea ,

( Inkud-ni ,
\lnkud~nea 9
( Hankod~nt,

mine and
mine and

mine and
mine and

| yours.

^ theirs.

7 the one
3 these

5 the one
those.

7 the one

your®.

theirs.

yours.

theirs.

belonging to
ones.

belonging to

, . belonging to

l Han/cod-nea, ) those yonder.

, I the one belonging to

\Kmkingd-nea, J those two yonder.

Indefinite Compounds.

I ( Okokinqa-ni ? 1 tbe one of which! ( Okokod-ni or okoiolcoid-ni 1

j 1 Olcohingd-nea ? j two ? ! I Okokod-nea or okoiokoid-nea

the one belonging to what sort of a (man or animal) ?

the one belonging to what sort of a (thing) ?

the - one belonging to what hind or. class-(o£ living beings) P

the one belonging to what kind or class (of. thing) ?

any one’s at all (living beings).

any one’s at all (inanim. objects).

7 the one of
? j which one’s ?

AL*

the two belonging to tbee and mo
the two belonging to him and me.

the two belonging to yon two.
the two belonging to the two.
the two belonging to these two.
the two belonging to those two.
jhe two belonging to yonder two.
the two belonging to wMeh two P
the two belonging to any one at all

Abudking, the two belonging to yon and me.
Abedking s the two belonging to them and me.

Aped Icing, the two belonging to yon.
Akod-king, the two belonging to them.
JSfikud-king, the two belonging to these,
Inkud-king, the two belonging to those.
Hankod-king, the two belonging to yonder ones,
Okoiokoid-king, whose two P

BAL.

those belonging to thee and me.
those belonging to him and me (her).

Ac.

what is -the one like# whose ones yon ask?

what are the two like, which yon ask P

what are those like, whose ones you askP

to what class belongs the one, whose ones yon ask P, etc

those of any one at all.

Abud-ko, those belonging to me and you.
Aled’ko, those belonging to me and them.

104

MUNDAR1 GRAMMAR.

2nd.— Qualitative Possessive Pronouns are derived from the above by
for the Dual, and lekako or iekanko for the Plural, whenever these Pro

SlNQf

1st Person

Living beings

f Mn&niUkai,
Ainanilekant ,
Ainalehai ,
Aind-lekam,

1 one lil
> which
J m© ; 03

like the one
belongs to
on© like mine.

L Wm. objects ... { } oa « like

Du

ImKG BUNGS

{ Aindni-lekaking .

Aindni-leJcmking 9 j ^ wo ^ c@ mm@

lot Person ^ Lrrao BEINaa } two like mine.

IIjUNIM, OBJECTS ... f | two like the one

i A%nMeha 9 f belonging to me.

Pltj

f Living beings

let Person^

t

InjLNIM. objects

f Ain&nileJcako,

Aindmlefcanko , f,

Aind-lekako, f ( some ) hke “7 one.

AindleJcanko i J

\ those or some like
l Amd4efca 9 J my on©.

Part II.

POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS.

105

suffixing to them lekai or lekcmi for tlie Singular, lekaking or lekanking
nouns denote living beings —

ULAR.

C Alangd’
Alangd
Alangd
Alangd
Alingd *
Alingd -
AUngd -
Alingd-
f Alangd ■

ni-lekai,
m-lehani ,
■lekai)

• lehani »
nilekai,
■nilekam,

■ lekai)

lekani,

-nea-leka,

Alangd-leka ,

I Alingd-nea-leka,

\Alingd-leka,

i

one like tlie one
belonging to me
and thee.

one like the one
belonging to
me and him
(her).

one like the one
belonging to
me and thee,
one like the one
belonging to
me and him.

f Abud -nilekai,
Abud • nilekam ,
Abud'lekat , ,
Abud-lekani,

C Aled-ni-lekai,

) Aled-ni-lekani,
1 Aled-lekai,

V Aled-lekant,

C Ahua-nea-leka,

(. Abud-leka ,
f Alea-nea-leka ,

{, Aled-leka ,

one like the one
belonging to
me and you.

one like the one

• belonging to

me and them.

* one like the one

► belonging to

y me and you.

) one like the one
v belonging to

( me and teem.

AL.

f Alangdnilekaking , *
AlangdmlekanHng , |
Alangd-lekaking , i

Alanga-lekanking , ^

S AMng&nilek (thing , *
Alingdntlekanking ,
Alingd-lekaking ,
Alingd-lekan king , .
f Alangdnealeka ,

A Atangd-leka ,

C Alinganealeka,

{. AUngd-leka, :'A,

two like the onel
belonging to]
me and thee.

two like the onel
belonging to me]
and him or her

two like the one]
belonging to me]
and thee.

i two like the c
belonging to mel
and him (her)

A Abuani-lekaking ,

) Abudni lekanking ,
1 Abud- lekaking ,
l^Abud-lekanking,

( Alednilekaking ,

1 Aled-lekaking,

V. Aled-lekanking ,
f Abuanealeka,

(. Abud-leka ,

( Alednealeka,

(. Aled-leka,

I two like the One

- belonging to
) me and you.

(two like the one
• belonging to me
j and them.

} two like the one

- belonging to me

> and you.

I two like^ the one

► belonging to me
i and them.

RAL.

At langdnileJcako ,
At langdmlekanJco ,
At langd - lekako ,

At / angd - lekank o,
Alingdmlekako ,
At ling dnilek an/cOy
A lingd-lekako,
X^Alingd-lekanko,

f Alinganealeka ,
t AUngd-leka,

i those or some like
the one belong-
k ing to me and
® thee.

* those or some like (
" the one belong- j ^
[ ing to me and ‘
I him or her, 1 1
" those or some like j "
I the one belong- j

1 ing to me and I

w thee. j

"those or some like N
i the one belong- ‘ )
1 ing to me and i I
l, him.

r Ahudu ilekako,
i AbudnilekanJco,
I Almd-lekako,
Ahud-lekanko ,
v At Zedf/ ilekako ,

.A lednilekanko ,
Aled-lekakO)

„ Alea-lehankot

Abuanealeka ,
Abud-leka,

Alednealeka ,
Aled-leka,

J those or some like
- the one belong-
ing to me and
you.

*) those or some like
f the one belong-
f ing to me and
J them.

those or some like
j the one belong-
1 ing to me and
V you.

! those or some like
the one belong-
ing to me and
them.

B 14

106

MXJNDAEX GEAMMAE.

Similar Compounds are obtained from the Personal Pronouns of
the Second and Third Persons, as well as from Definite and Indefinite
Demonstrative Pronouns and from Interrogative Pronouns—

Amdnilekai , amdlekai , etc., one like thine; alendnilekai, etc., one like the
one belonging to you two; akodnilekai , one like the one belonging to them;
nk ing&nealeJccii one (man. obj.) like the one belonging to those two; Jmnidleka
king, two like the one belonging to yonder one ; okoi&lekanlco namtanam ? Like
whose ones do you want? or to the one of which one must those resemble whom
you want ? CM l ekank od lek anim idia ? What are those ones like to whom
belongs the one (living being) that resembles the one you intend taking away ?

The Compounds thus obtained may be further multiplied by sub-
stituting either the Dual king or the Plural ho to the Demonstrative ni
in the first part of the Compounds —

Example —

Mnk-kinglokM, one like mj two ; alauga/Aylekaking, two like the two
which belong to me and thee ; aleayfeylekanko, those like the two which
belong to me and them, Kikui&o lekanf, — One like the ones belonging to these
ones.

Nouns are very often substituted for the Demonstrative ni or the.
Personal Pronouns king and ko. The Suffixes lekai or lekani , kkaking ,
or lekanking , lekako or lenkanko remain of course.

Ex*°~»

Chilekan sadomem namtana P What kind of horse dost thou want ?

Ama sadfom-lekaming namtana, — I want one liko thy horse. Instead of—

Ama-m-lekanling namtana.

Okolekan setako snkukoam ? What kind of dogs are to your taste ?

Ama set akin gAQ\&vko > — Those that are like your two dogs. Instead of—

ama-Aiwy-lekanko.

The Possessive- Adjective Suffixes are added to Transitive and
Intransitive Predicates with the function of Possessive Pronouns, thus :

If the Pronominal Subject precedes the Predicate, then the Posses-
sive Suffixes are added to the Copula.

If the Pronominal Subject be suffixed to the Copula, then the
Possessive Suffixes are added to the suffixed Subject—

S. Pr. 0.

Meang ko idi-a- *“ 1 After to-morrow they will take my one,

Meang ko ldi a- tarn j thy one, his one.

Meang ko idi-a- tae

S. Pr. C.

Ain iditan-a- taking

Am iditan-a- tabu

Am iditan-a- taU

' ") RTow thou f akest the one belonging to
r them, to me and you, etc.

Part IL

POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS*

S. Pr, ' C.
Hola- ko idiked a- taing
Hola- ko Hiked a- tarn
Hola- ko idiked a* tae

Yesterday they took mine, thine, his or
hers.

Pr. H.O. 0. S.

Idi- ko- a- e- talang
Xdi- ko- a- e- taling
Idi- ko- a- e- taken

' 7 He (she) will take those belonging to me
| and thee, to me and him or her, to you
. •* two.

P. HO. Tense. C. S.

Idi- ko-

tan-

a- m- tape

Idi- ko-

tan-

a- in- iako

Idi- ko-

tan-

a- m- taing

Pr.

£a c.

S.

Idiked'- ko- a- ben- talang
Idiked'- ko- a- ben- taling
Idiked'- ko- a- ben- taking

How thou takest those belonging to yon,
to them, to me.

You two took those belonging to me and
thee, to me and him, to the two.

Instead of the Adjective Suffixes taing, turn, tae, etc., the Genitive
form, i.e., the corresponding Pronominal Suffixes iaind, tama , taed,
talanga, ialingd , etc., may also be added to Transitive and Intransitive
Predicates in the manner indicated above—

Adjana-faind , — My one (inanimate object) got lost. Nirj dme4amd, —Thine
(living being) ran away. Idi-ko-tantaekenape-talangd , — Yon were taking away
those belonging to me and thee. IRjuaJcanako4ale &> — Ours have come.

108

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

ADJECTIVES.

Words restricted to the function of merely qualifying Nouns can
hardly he said to exist in Mundari ; for most of the words which
denote qualities may, without undergoing a change of form, be
used as Substantives, as Adjectives, or as Verbs, v. gr., Blende means
blackness, black, and to blacken. However, the differentiation of these
Qualitatives into real Nouns, Adjectives, and Verbs has begun, as the
following facts will show —

1st. — Abstract Nouns may, with a certain amount of liberty, be
formed by inserting the Demonstrative n after the first vowel of the
Qualitative and then repeating that vowel, v. gr., marang, great;
ma-n-amng , greatness.

This mode of obtaining Abstract Nouns presents no phonetic diffi-
culties in any word, and it is certainly very simple. It is therefore
both eurious and characteristic that it is not used as freely by the
Mundas as we might expect. Some words are thus transformed into
Abstract Nouns rather freely, whereas others are never so used. Again,
some individuals will occasionally have recourse to this formation in the
case of certain words which other individuals will leave in their bare
original form. I have several times remarked that a man very much
concerned about a particular matter will use this abstract formation
when speaking earnestly or anxiously about it, whereas in ordinary
ciroumstanoes he himself as well as others neglects it altogether. So
far, then, this formation resembles a real oommodity for which there
exists as yet no extensive demand.

It will be easily seen how widely this mode of evolving a vague
root into a distinct Abstract Noun differs from the Aryan method.

Snd.—Bugi means, to be in good health, to be well, to make well, to
cure, to be good. Et'ka means, to spoil, to be bad, to treat badly, to ill-
use. These two words can no longer be used as Adjectives to qualify
Nouns. To use them with that funotion, the Demonstrative n (this)
must be suffixed: thus a good horse, bugi-n seldom; literally, good-ifte
horse. A bad man, et'ka-n horo; literally, bad-ttes man.

Remake.— W hen the Adjectives lugin and et'han stand as Predicates, the Suffix n is
dropped before the enolytio ge, v.gr. , -This horse is good, Ne sadom bugin-de, or ne sadom
lugigeae. This man is bad,— iVe horo et'kame or ne horo et'fcagcde . .

The only other formations bearing any analogy to the above are the
exceptional Demonstrative Adjectives quoted above (page 26) where the

Pakt II.

ADJECTIVES,

109

Personal'and Impersonal Suffixes i and a are added to the ordinary
Demonstrative Adjectives ne, en, han : nl horo , this man; literally , this-
he man instead of ne horo • Rana burn , yonder mountain ; literally 9
yonder-# mountain instead of han bum .

This manner of evolving a distinct Adjective out of the vague
original forms bugi, et'ka, ne, en, han is analogous to the Aryan method
of forming Adjectives.

The two methods just described yield, for the generic ideas of
goodness and badness, the following real Parts of Speech : —

Verb

... JBugi

to he well, to be good, to make well.

Adjective

... Bug in

well (in good health), good.

Noun

... Bun-ugi ...

goodness.

Verb

... Et'ka

to be bad, to spoil, to treat badly.

Adjective

... Mi'kan ...

bad.'

Noun

... enei'ka „<

would be the form for badness, but I have

never heard it used by any Munda.

3rd.— A somewhat more extensive mode of forming real Adjectives
consists in adding the Possessive Suffix an to words denoting animate
or inanimate beings as well as qualities. These compounds are entirely
restricted to the Adjective function. They denote possession —

Senrao, wisdom, discretion, to have attained the use of reason, to be wise, to
have recourse to such or such an expedient, to excogitate something— ■senran-an,
wise. Taka, a rupee, money ; taka. an horo, a monied man. Merom, a goat;
merom-an horo, a man possessed of goats, a man who possesses many goats.

Uth. — The very same ideas may be expressed adjeetively by means
of a circumlocution containing the words mend, to have, and hand, not
to have,

5th. — Many equivalents of our Adjectives are Perfect Participial
forms, viz., the bare root-form plus the Perfect Tense-suffix ahan*
They are therefore analogous to such English Adjectives as pointed,
wounded, etc,

Goja, a point, to point ; goja-akan sota, a pointed stick ; gau, wound, to
wound ; gau-akan silib, a wounded deer; ol, a scratch, a crack, a mark, to
scratch, to crack, to mark, to write ; ol-akan chain, a cracked waterpot,

A certain number of words denoting qualities are used adjeetively
with as well as without the Perfect Participial Suffix—

Leser, to sharpen ; User katu or leserakan kaiu , a sharp knife.

110

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

The Perfect Tense-suffix, however, may not be added indiscriminately
to any word denoting quality. It is restricted to 'those ca^es in which
the quality is known as the result of some work performed. It can
therefore not be used to denote those natural qualities which are in no
way the result of human skill or labour : thus hende seta means a black
dog; hendeakan seta would imply that a dog of some other colour had
been blackened artificially.

. The Instrumental Suffix te, added to the Indeterminate Tense-forms
mend and band yields mendte , banote . These forms are then trans-
formed into real Adjectives by means of the Demonstrative Suffix n 9
mendten and bandten , v, gr., Taka mendten horo, — A man who has
money, or a monied man. Poe bandten sadom, — A horse which has no
defect, or a perfectly sound horse. Strictly speaking, Mundari did
not stand in need of this formation ; for the bare Indeterminate
Tense-forms used participally express the idea perfectly : Taka mend
horo } — The man who has money. Poe band sadom, — A horse which has
no defect. The Simple Participles are used as frequently at least as
the Compounds mendten and bandten . The latter are therefore chiefly
interesting as indicating a tendency towards the evolution of Parts
of Speech. In meaning mendten and bandten resemble the phrases
provided with , versefien mit 9 pourm de and their contraries ; but etymo-
logically they differ widely from them.

DEGREES OF COMPARISON.

The formation of the Comparative Degree differs from that which
obtains in European languages. It is analogous to the corresponding
Hindustani formation. The Adjective or Qualitative denoting the
excess takes no Suffix. The Noun or Pronoun denoting the term of
comparison takes the Ablative Suffix, ete. Hence the sentence, the
elephant is bigger than the horse , is rendered literally thus— From the
horse the elephant is greater, — Sadomete hati marangae . I saw a
beast bigger than a leopard, — Sonchita ete marang jontuing lelnam -
lia.

The Superlative Degree has a double formation—

1st.—' When it is desired to state the absolute excess of one or more
particular beings over all the beings of the same species or genus, the
Adjective soben, all, is placed before the term of comparison which
stands in the Ablative Case. The Adjective remains unchanged,

Pabt IX

BE GHEES OF COMPAEISOST.

Ill

v. gr., the elephant is the biggest animal, — Soben jontukoete hati
maranggede ; literally , front all animals the elephant is big or, among
all animals, etc.

2nd. — Such Superlatives as are in English expressed by very,
exceedingly are in Mundari rendered in two ways, viz, —

(a) by affixing uter, utterly , exceedingly to the Qualificative, v. gr.,

marang , great ; maranguter , very great ;

(b) by placing before the Qualitative one of the words : isu, purd,

isupurd , kenied mermer, betekan.

Isu may be used with any kind of Qualitatives, just like the English
very — bugin lioro, a very good man ; im_ marang dam , a very big
tree. Turd is by preference used with Quantitative^ . Kenied' is used
with Qualitatives denoting energy, power or violence. Mer mer is
used with Qualitatives denoting qualities disagreeable to taste and
smell, v. gr., mer mer karada. It is exceedingly bitter. Betekan ,
although evidently the Hindi word betekan , is in Mundari pro-
nounced Ibetekdn , and is synonymous with isu, pur a , and isupurd ,
Impurd is but an intensive form for purd and for isu. The Super-
latives in liter seem to have been borrowed from the Sanskrit,

3rd.— Qualitatives denoting dimensions form their Superlatives by
infixing the Consonant p after the first vowel and then repeating that
vowel, v. gr marang , great; ma-p-arang, very great ; filing, long;
ji~p4ling , very long ; moto y thick ; mo-p-oto , very thick.

This distinctly un-Aryan formation maybe supposed to have applied
formerly to all Qualitatives. Here, as on several other points, the
Burjatic dialects offer a striking analogy with Mundari; for in
them too the Superlative is formed by the insertion of p between
the first vowel and its reduplication. The only difference being
that they repeat the whole first syllable, v. gr Sagan, sa-p-sagcm ;
whereas the Mundas repeat only the first vowel after the p.

112

MU NBA EI GRAMMAR.

EQUIVALENTS OF CONJUGATIONAL FOEMS.

As stated in the Introduction, every Mundari word, no matter what
its primary meaning or function may be, can be used to denote a state
or action as referred to a Subject and thus become a functional equiv-
alent of an Organic Verb.

The Organic Infinitive Mood has either a characteristic desinence or
auxiliary Preposition of its own, v. gr ambula-r<?, all-er, geh -en,
to go. .

The Mundari Infinitive is never characterized by any Suffix or
Prefix ; it is always the bare root or the bare word-form —

Burn, a mountain : hence also ... (1) to heap up; (2) to keep up certain

feasts or to hold a fair (because they
take place on mountains) ; (3) to call
something a mountain.

Soje, straight : hence also ... (1) to straighten something; (2) to go on

straight; (3) to call something
straight.

Gajoa, to-morrow ... (1) to put off to the next clay, procrastinate ;

to express by means of the word
gap a.

He ! yes ! hence also ... (1) to answer in the affirmative; (2) to

agree to something ; (3) to grant
something to some one.

Hohaeabu ! Let us cease : hence also to express by means of the word liolcaea*

hu.

Sim , a fowl) hence also ... (1) to acquire a fowl ; (2) to kill a fowl

for one’s meal ; (3) to call something
or some one a fowl.

The Mundari Transitive or Intransitive Predicate differs very wide-
ly from the Organic Verb both in its material structure as well as in its
functional capacity.

STRUCTURAL AND PHONETIC DIFFERENCES.

In the Organic Verb as well as in its Mundari equivalent we
distinguish between the primary and the formative elements.

The primary element is that part which directly denotes the state
or action.

It is generally called the predicative or the attributive root. This
may in itself be simple or compound, v. gr . 9 in go and forego . If
compound, it may consist either of two originally predicative roots
or of a predicative and a demonstrative root, or even of two originally

Part III.

equivalents of conjtcational forms.

US

demonstrative roots which by their conjunction have acquired a
predicative or attributive meaning.

The formative elements comprise (1) all those roots or remnants of
roots which have been added (prefixed, infixed or suffixed) to the
primary element for the purpose of connoting Voice, Mood, and Tense ;
(2) the Personal Pronominal Subjects. These formative elements are
generally demonstrative roots .

I m — Differences between the Primary elements .

Reduplication of the first syllable is used in Mundari as well as in
Organic languages, chiefly to form Frequentatlves or Intensives —

. 1st.- — In Organic Verbs reduplication is frequently accompanied with
phonetic changes, v.gr. 7 <f>ev ym irefyvya ; do, dedL These changes
may become very considerable, cfr. 9 the German languages where
reduplication lias caused the so-called apophony (Umlaut), v.gr, 9 halten ,
to hold ; Melt , held , from a former reduplicated form, Malt.

In Mundari reduplication never causes any phonetic change in the
syllable reduplicated, v. gr. y dal , to strike ; dadal 9 to strike repeatedly.

2nd. — In Organic Verbs the reduplicated syllable has assumed tip
function of a purely formative element. It is used extensively to
denote the Perfect Tense, as in the above Greek and Latin examples, or
the Past , as in German and English.

In Mundari reduplication is strictly reserved to modify the mean-
ing of the primary or attributive element. It can never serve to
connote either Voice, Mood or Tense.

3rd. — -In Organic Verbs the primary element is liable to phonetic
changes even when there is no reduplication. To quote but two
examples — (1) Strengthened and nasalized roots are weakened down to
their original form when the Augment attracts the tonic accent, v.gr, t
<j>evyo) 9 £<f>vyov; Xa^dpco eXa/Sop ; (2) strong vowels descend the
tonic scale before heavy accentuated syllables, v. gr, 9 emi 9 I go; imds,
thou goest.

B 15

114

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

In Mundari the primary root remains perfectly unaltered through
all the Voices, Moods, and Tenses, v. gr., dal-eaing, I •will strike ; dal ,
taming, I am striking now ; dad-hedging, I struck; dal-entanaing, I strike
myself; dal-oaing, I will be struck.

77 . Differences between those formative elements which connote Voiee,

Mood, and Tense.

1st —In Organic Verbs the formative elements are of three specifically
distinct kinds, viz. (1) reduplication of the predicative or primary root;
(2) auxiliary words which are traced back (a) to an original Substantive
Verb, m eanin g to be; ( b ) to an original Verb, probably meaning to will,
to desire; (3) purely demonstrative roots. These may be (a) Prefixes
as some Augments ; (&) Suffixes, i.e., those which may be traced back to
original Pronouns.

In Mundari all the formative elements connoting Voice, Mood, and
Tense are Suffixes, and all of them are purely demonstrative roots, with
the exception of the generic Imperfect Tense-suffix taeken, which is
added to the ordinary Tense-suffixes.

2nd.— In Organic Verbs these formative elements have, so to say, no
protection against phonetic decay: hence the need felt in modern
languages’^ replace them by independent Auxiliaries, v. gr., in English,
to have, to be, to will and may.

In Mundari these elements are comparatively safe : hence indepen-
dent Auxiliary Verbs do not exist. The whole work of denoting Voice,
Mood, and Tense is done by means of demonstrative Suffixes to the
primary root.

HI Differences regarding the Pronominal Subjects.

In Organic languages the Pronominal Subjects have a fixed place ;

they are always Suffixes and have grown into the Verb-form to such
an extent that they have dwindled down to mere desinences, having no
longer a trace of meaning if considered hy themselves alone. So
severely have they been mutilated that even a desinence denoting the
same Number and Person is not always identical in form through several
Tenses, cfr., audio, audiebam, audivi. Nevertheless, philology traces all
of them back to a few original Pronouns : the Nominative theme— 'aha;
the Oblique Case-theme ma; the themes tica and ta, and the Reflexives
ma and gw, variously combined, with occasional strengthenings

Part III, eqtjivale3n t ts or conjugational forms, 115

and vowel insertions or Demonstratives. Hence the need felt in
Organic languages of having recourse to a separate set of current
Personal Pronouns for use independently of Verbs. As this decay was
carried on further and further, the modern Aryan languages had to
use these current forms even in connection with Verbs, although
traces of the Subjective Affixes be still existing here and there.

In Mundari the Pronominal Subjects to Transitive and Intransitive
Predicates are still the current Pronouns of the language. In no
sense can they be said to have grown into the Predicates. They ar©
not even restricted to one particular position with regard to these
Predicates as shown in the Chapter on Personal Pronouns (pages
12 and 13).

2nd.— In those Aryan languages which have resumed the current
Personal Pronouns in connection with Verbs, these Pronouns may be
replaced by Nouns or other Pronouns, v. gr Me came. The king came.

In Mundari the Pronominal Subjects must always remain in imme-
diate contact with Transitive and Intransitive Predicates, even though
the Subject be denoted already by a Noun or by another Pronoun—
Mijulena-e , he comes. Raja-e hijulena or raja hijidem-e. The omission
of the Pronominal Subjects in these cases would be, so to say, a
barbarism in Mundari.

Raja Mjiitana is quite as faulty in Mundari as the sentence the king
come is in English. (The reason of this has been explained in the
Introduction, from page xxxviii to xl.)

IV. — Differences regarding the number of formative elements .

1st.— The Mundari Transitive and Intransitive Predicates are always
connected with the Subject by means of the Copula a {a). This a has a
fixed place in the Predicate : it is suffixed to the Boot joins Voice,
Mood, and Tense-suffixes. It occupies in fact that place which the Pro-
nominal Subjective desinences occupy in Organic Verbs: hence we
must consider it as one of the formative elements.

Organic Verbs have no Copula. They add the Personal Pronominal
desinences directly to the complete Predicate, i.e. } the Boot plus Voice,
Mood, and Tense-desinences.

2nd.— In Mundari Direct and Indirect Pronominal Objects are an
essentially formative element of Transitive and Intransitive Predicates.
"When the Objects denote living beings, Personal Pronouns must be

116

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

inserted into tlie Predicates. Whenever no Pronoun is inserted it is
understood that the Predicate either connotes an Inanimate Object or
that it denotes a realized possibility. Thus Lel-ho-tanaing, I see them ;
Leltanaing, either I see it or them (the objects) or, I can see.

In Organic languages Direct and Indirect Objects are quite distinct
from the Verbs. They are in no sense formative elements.

3rd.— Every Mundari Transitive or Intransitive Predicate is referred to
its Subject by means of a link-word, viz., the Copula (a). This
Copula remains absolutely unchanged through all Voices, Moods, Tenses,
Numbers, and Persons.

Organic Verbs always add the Pronominal Subjects directly to the
Tense-form without a link-word. It is only in the more modem
Aryan languages that link-words are used in certain Tenses, v. gr ., he
is coming. But, then, that link-word is itself treated as a Verb and it
adds the°Pronominal Suffixes to the roots, cfr., am, art, is, are.

From what has been said so far, we see that every Tense of a
Mundari Transitive or Intransitive Predicate constitutes a ground-form
or scheme, in which not only the primary or predicative root, but also
all the formative elements connoting Voice, Mood, and Tense remain
unchanged through all Numbers and Persons. The Pronominal Sub-
jects and Objects alone change.

Again, the formative elements of Voice, Mood, and Tense, so far as
these are denoted by a special Suffix, have their places perfectly fixed
in the compound. The Voice-sign stands first, the Mood-sign second,
and the Tense-sign third, the Copula fourth : hence if we denote the
Boot or primary element by B, the Voice by F, the Mood by M, the
Tense by T, and the Copula by C, we obtain for all actual Predicates

the following general formula: R+V +M+T+C.

Of the formative functions, there are only four which are never
denoted by a special Suffix, viz. (1st) the Active Voice, (2nd) the
Indicative Mood, (3rd) the Imperative Mood, (hth) the Future and the
Indeterminate Tenses (these two being identical in form).

It therefore, the student has learnt by heart all the existing Voice,
Mbod and Tense-suffixes and remembers where to affix or to insert the
required Pronominal Subjects and Objects, his memory lesson is finished

117

PAET III. EQUIVALENTS OF CONJUGATIONAL FOBMS.

for these Pronominal Subjects and Objects remain the same through all
Voices, Moods, and Tenses for the same Person; thus, Jco is both Subject
and Direct Object in all Tenses.

By way of illustration I shall give here in extenso two Tenses —
the Definite Present of the Active Voice and the Definite Present of the
Passive Voice. In the Passive of course Direct and Indirect Objects are
not inserted. To avoid the insertion of an explicit Object in the Active
forms, I shall give that Tense as implying an inanimate Direct Object.
Since the Active Voice and the Indicative Mood have no speoial
Suffixes of their own, the columns under V and M remain blank in the
first scheme and the column under M remains blank in the second —

M.

V.

Jf.

T.

C.

S.

dal -

...

tan-

a-

ing 3

1 beat it now.

dal -

...

...

tan-

a-

« h

thou beatst it now

•

dal-

...

...

tan,"

a-

he (she) beats it now.

dal"

tan -

a-

...

it beats it now.

dal -

tan "

a -

tang,

thou and I *

dal -

...

tan-

a-

ling,

he (she) and I

daU

tan-

a-

len 9

you two

i

dal-

...

tan-

a -

Icing,

both of them

a

dal -

...

tan -

a-

hi,

you and I

"eS

dal -

...

...

tan-

a-

U,

they and I

0

dal-

...

...

tan-

a-

pet

you

dal ■

...

...

tan -

a-

Jco ,

they

J R.

F.

Jf.

T.

G.

S.

dal"

6-

...

tan-

a-

ing t

I am being beaten

now.

dal-

6-

tan-

a-

171,

thou art being beaten now.

dal-

6-

...

tan-

a*

h

he (she) is being beaten now.

dal -

6-

tan-

a-

■ ... ■'

it is being beaten now.

dal-

6-

...

tan-

a-

lang,

thou and I

£

dal-

6-

tan-

a-

ling,

ho (she)and I

§

dal-

6 -

...

tan-

a-

ben s

you two

§

dal -

6-

...

tan-

a-

Icing,

both of them

.1

dal •

6 .

ian-

a-

bu,

you and I

&J3

dal-

<5-

...

tan-

a-

lo s

they and I

.9

*5>

dal-

6-

tan -

a-

P«t

you

rO

2

dal"

6°

...

tan-

a-

ho,

they 4

cS

Such a scheme is not hard to get by heart, but to correctly place the
Pronominal Subjects and Objects as rapidly as conversation requires is
immensely difficult for a foreigner. The difficulty is increased by the
fact that the Pronominal Objects have two different positions in different
Tenses, and the Pronominal Subjects may have three different positions
as shown in the Chapter on Personal Pronouns.

118

MUNDARI GRAMMAR

In. the Definite Present and the Definite Imperfect the Objects stand
immediately before the Tense-suffix. In all. other Tenses they stand imme-
diately after the Tense-suffix. In the Imperfect Tenses they stand between
the particular Tense-suffix and the Auxiliary Imperfect word taeken.

The Subjects too stand between the particular Tense-s uffix es and the
Auxiliary taeken in the Imperfect Tenses ; but they are placed after the
Objects. Thus, I was seeing th.em,—Le!-jdcl-ko ( 0.) % (&) taekena.

In all the other Tenses the Subjects are affixed to the word which
immediately precedes the Predicate. If no word precedes, then they
are suffixed to the Copula : hence, if we represent the Objects by 0, the
Subjects byS, and the Imperfect Tense-signs by T 1 and T,T(the
Auxiliary taeken) , we obtain the following schemes

Definite Present.,.
Other Tenses

E+V+M+O+T+C-JSor
—S B+V+M+ O+T+C.

e+v+m+t+o+c+s

— 8 B+V+M+T+O + C.

The insertion of the Subjects between the principal Tense-suffix and
the Auxiliary taeken, although so frequent as almost to constitute a
general rule, is nevertheless not a necessity. They may he suffixed
also to the word preceding the Predicate or to the Copula: hence each
Imperfect is represented by a triple scheme —

( E+Y+M+Oj+^+S-pTa+C or
Definite Imperfect J H,+V+M+0+T 1 +l\+C+S or

{ — /SE+V+MfO+iq+Ta+C

/ E+y +M+T 1 +0+/S+T, +C or
Other Imperfects \ B+y+M+^ + O+T. + O+S or

\ -SB+V+M+Ta + O+Ta+C.

In Organic Conjugation we have a real combination or blending of
primary and formative elements into a new word.

In Mundari, as the above schemes show, there is a mere agglutin-
ation of the primary and formative elements into a loose compound. The
main tie keeping these elements together is their pronunciation as
one word.

This structural difference between Organic Yerbs and Mundari Trans-
itive or Intransitive Predicates produces another, viz., « functional differ-
©no© between them.

Part III. equivalents of oonjugational forms.

119

This functional difference must appear even more striking to an
Aryan mind, "because it leads to methods of thought-rendering that
have no analogy in Aryan words or propositions.

Functional differences between Organic and Mundari Tense-forms.

The term bare Tense-form is here used to denote that part of any
Transitive or Intransitive Predicate which denotes an action or state
together with the circumstances of Voice, Mood, and Tense ; hence it
contains the primary root plus all those secondary elements which
connote Voice, Mood, and Tense. Now, if this be applied to Organic
Verbs , we find that they have only two parts, viz., (1st) the bare Tense-
form, (2nd) the Pronominal Subjects ; for here, with the exception
of the Pronominal Subjects, every change in, or addition to, the
primary root has been made to serve the purpose of connoting either
Voice, or Mood, or Tense. Bat in the Mundari equivalents we find
three parts , viz , (1st) the bare Tense-form ; (2nd) the invariable d or a,
which never connotes Voice, Mood, or Tense; (3rd) the Pronominal
Subject.

By way of illustration compare the following Tenses of the Verb
to give in Greek, English, and Mundari : —

5. T. fr . 2. Fr. S.

1. Pr. S.

2. b. T. fr .

1. b. T fr. 2.

3. Fr. 8.

BlSco/jl -jJbi

I

give.

omjad - a -

ing .

I

am giving.

•

SS

i

<3

ing .

Bclxr -co

I

shall give.

om - a -

ing .

eSiScv - v

I

gavd.

omjad' taeken -a-

ing.

omtantaeken ~a~

ing*

BeBco/c - a

I

have given.

omaJcad - a -

ing *

I. The bare Organic Tense-forms cease to have any current meaning
as soon as they are severed from the Personal Pronominal Subjects.
Thus the sounds SISco, Bcoo-, iSlS®, and SeSoox convey no meaning to the
ordinary mind, no more do the English forms, will give , gave 9 etc.
A defaced coin may still have the required weight, and will be accepted
by a goldsmith and paid for according to the amount of precious
metal it contains ; but it is powerless as a buying agent in the general
market : it is out of currency. Similarly, a bare Organic Tense-form
will be recognized by the philologist as pregnant with meaning ;
but that meaning is, to the ordinary eye, quite latent. The form has
no currency as a medium of exchange in the market of ideas.

120

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

In Mundari, on the contrary, the bare Tense-form is not something
incomplete, requiring the addition of a new element to give it currency.
Thus the forms omtan, omjad, om, omahtd are all, by themselves alone
so many complete and perfectly intelligible Mundari words —

(1) Any such bare Tense-form is primarily an Abstract Noun denot-
ing the action together with all the circumstances of Voice, Mood, and
Tense.

When they perform the function of Nouns, these Tense-forms may
of course take all those Postpositions of Case, Time, and Space whioh
any ordinary Noun may take —

Olhed denotes a past act of writing ; rd is a Genitive Suffix denoting price.

Olhed~ra gonong , — The price paid for a piece of writing, done in the past.

01, besides denoting the act of writing in general, is also a Future, and thus
signifies a piece of writing to be done in the future s hence—

OUrd gonmig ^ The price paid for a promised or future act of writing.

016 is the Indeterminate and Future Passive : hence it denotes the act of
being written, i.e., of having one’s name written down or registered.

016 -rd JinTcum , — The order of having one’s name registered.

(2) The bare Mundari Tense-forms are Adjectives. As snob, of
course, they must be followed by a Noun; but, like the ordinary
Adjectives, they never take Suffixes indicative of Gender or Number,
«?. g)\—

Olhed 1 horOi — The man who wrote something.

01 horo t ~*~A man whose ordinary occupation is writing, or a man who is about
to write something.

These forms remain Adjectives still, even when Direct or Indirect
Pronominal Objects are inserted into them —

Olhed' -ho horo , — The man who wrote them down, i.e., who registered their
names.

Ol-aing dash — The servant who is generally writing for me, or the servant who
is about to write to me.

(3) Instead of qualifying a Noun, these bare Tense-forms may
•qualify a Pronoun of the Third Person; but such Pronouns are always
suffixed to the Tense-form ; hence a Compound Noun is obtained. These
Nouns are Nouns of Agency in the wider sens©. They denote an
Agent or a Sufferer according to the Yoice of the form. Direct and
Indirect Objects may be inserted into these Nouns just as into the
Adjectives described under (2)™

Olhed4,-~> The one who wrote ; olhed' king , — The two who wrote ; diced' 4co , —
Those who wrote.

Olhed'ho-m ,— The one who wrote them ; olhed' hoiking ,~~The two who wrote
them ; dked'hoho ,~~ Those who wrote them.

Part III. equivalents of conjugational forms. 121

(4) The bare Tense-forms considered as Nouns may take the Instru-
mental Suffix tea, and thus they yield Nouns of Instrumentality
These Nouns express nuances that cannot be expressed in English,
except by rather long circumlocutions—

Ql-ied , writing materials, i.e t , pencils, pens, ink, and paper or slate.

Qlken is the Simple Past of the Passive or the Intransitive Active Voice.

Ne cldti olken-tcd , — The particular pen (and ink) with which this letter was
written.

(5) The bare Tense-forms may take the Impersonal Pronoun d as
Suffix. A euphonic e often precedes this a. This yields Concrete
Nouns of two kinds, viz.—

(a) Nouns denoting the results of an action : —

Olhed-d , — That which some one has written.

Olo-d , — That which is about to be written.

(b) Nouns denoting the material on which a certain action is

to fall: —

Jom, to eat ; jom e-d, that which is eaten, eatables, food ; her, to sow; here-d 9
that which is sown, viz., the grain, but in the Passive hero-d , that which is sown
with the grain, viz., land, fields.

Thus a man may say : JLero-d do mend mendo hered banod , — I have fields, but
no seeds.

II. The moment a bare Organic Tense-form is brought into
contact with a Personal Pronominal desinence, or (in the ease of modem
languages) with a current Personal Pronoun, its latent meaning is
brought out clearly ; it becomes a perfectly intelligible word. But
this word performs one function only— it is a Verb .

It cannot denote a state or action abstractly, but it must denote it
as actually referred to this or that particular Subject or Agent.

Here attention is drawn to the fact that reference of the action to
the agent is not expressed. There is nowhere a distinct word denotative
of reference, nor is there even a remnant or trace of such a word. A
real link-word or Copula, then, does not exist between the Transitive
Predicate and its Subject. Language uses mere juxtaposition of the
word denoting a state or action (the bare Tense-form) and the word
denoting the agent (the Personal Pronoun either in full or as a

b 16

122

MUNDAKI GRAMMAR.

desinence) and leaves to the mind the task of referring the one to the
other.

Thus, then, what the coinage does for the precious metals, the
Personal Pronouns do for the hare Organic Tense-forms, inasmuch as
they give currency to word-forms which would he meaningless without
them. In this sense the Personal Pronouns, whether in their full or
mutilated forms, enter as essentially constituent elements into the
formation of Organic Transitive or Intransitive Predicates,

With the bare Mundari Tense-form the case is very different.
Being by itself alone a current word with both Substantive and Adjective
functions, it may take certain Suffixes to vary and multiply those
functions, but it refuses direct contact with the Personal Pronominal
Subjects. Were such a Pronominal Subject brought into direct contact
with a bare Tense-form, that form would immediately lose all its current
functions, and yet would not become a Transitive or Intransitive Predi-
cate. It would simply be destroyed as a current word. The forms
omtan-ing , omjad-Mng , om-le are not propositions like the corresponding
SiSco-fAc, Scoa-co : they are simply meaningless. Hence the bare
Mundari Tense-form is not like the bare Organic Tense-form, a ready-
made Transitive or Intransitive Predicate, requiring only contact with a
Personal Pronominal Subject to give it actuality and currency as such.
In other words, it is not a f motional equivalent of the bare Organic
Tense-form.

What, then, is required to turn a bare Mundari Tense-form into a
Transitive or an Intransitive Predicate ? — The mere addition of the
vowel a. The moment this a is suffixed, the bare Mundari Tense-form
loses all its Substantive and Adjective functions and becomes a perfect
functional equivalent of the bare Organic Tense-form. Thus, func-
tionally—

omtan-a s= SlScojll, give; om-a=8d>er 9 will give.
omakad-a = SeScofc, have given.

Like SiSco/A., Sco<x 9 and SeSw/c, the forms omtana 9 oma 9 and omahada
have no current meaning by themselves alone. Though they now have
all that which on their part is required to be Transitive or Intransitive
Predicates, they have not yet currency as such. Like their Organic
equivalents, MSwja, Bd>cr } and SeSwfc, they now require a complement ;
and this complement; is the Personal Pronoun, and that Pronoun
only.

Part III.

EQUIVALENTS OF CONJUGATION AL FORMS •

123

Here, too, therefore the Personal Pronoun is that which gives the
final touch to the Transitive or Intransitive Predicate : it is, so to say,
the coinage which gives it currency—

Qmtana-ing =z 8 tSco - //, — I give,
Qmtana-m = 8l8m-cr , — thou give-si.
Omtana-e— 818 co-<tl 9 — he give-s.

Omtana-bu

Qmtana-h

= $iSo~jJL6V 9 —

j you and I give.
) they and I give

Omta \ape = 8/So-re, — you give.

Omtana-ko =8iSo~acri , — they give.

Whereas in Greet and other ancient Aryan languages the very
place of the Pronominal Subjects is unalterably fixed, the Mundari
Subjects are bound only by the law of immediate proximity to the
Transitive and Intransitive Predicates : hence the Mundari Pronominal
Subjects may, as already stated, be suffixed either to the Predicate or to
the word immediately preceding the Predicate : it may even, in the case
of Imperfect Tenses, be infixed into the Predicate.

The Simple Personal Pronouns may also be replaced by the corre-
sponding Emphatic compounds. These compounds must precede the
Predicate—

Aing omtana , I give ; am omtana , thou givest ; tie omtana , lie or she gives,

etc.

The reason of this greater liberty of the Mundari Pronominal
Subjects seems to lie solely in the fact that these Subjects are at the
same time still the current Personal Pronouns of the language.

In English, where the Pronominal desinences have been lost except
in the Second and Third Persons Singular, the current Personal Pro-
nouns have been resumed for conjugation al purposes.

Though they must, as a rule, precede the Predicate, they enjoy a
privilege which even the Mundari Pronominal Subjects never have ;
for (a) they may in certain cases be separated from the Predicate by
intervening words, v. gr. 9 /always give ; [b) they may be left out
altogether in the Third Person Singular and Plural, provided the propo-
sition have a Noun or some Demonstrative Pronoun as Subject, v. gt \ —

This one gives, these ones give ; the king gives, the kings give.

The reason of this lies in the fact that the English mind still feels
the effects of the formerly existing desinences, all the more because two
of these survive in the Singular, just as the Boman mind fancied a
Person al desinence somehow in the final 0 of the Present Indicative

124

MUNDARI GRAMMAS.

Active, «?. gr. 9 lego 9 though that desinence had long ceased to exist.
But Mundari Predicates never have had any Personal desinences grown
into them : hence the Mundari mini cannot conceive them as complete
Predicates without connecting with them what he possesses in the line
o f Personal Pronouns, i.e., the current forms. He therefore cannot
possibly replace the Pronominal Subjects by a Substantive or a Demon-
strative Pronoun. The proposition Rajako omtana will appear as
barbarous to the Munda as, for instance, Reges da would have
appeared to a Roman or as the proposition the king give would
appear to an Englishman.

The Munda must always use a Personal Pronominal Subject together
with a Substantive or a Demonstrative Pronominal Subject —

Ni omtana-e^ or Nue omtana, literally, this one give»s or this one he give.

Nflou omtana-ko or Rihu-lco omtana, literally, these ones gi ye-they or these
ones -they give.

Raja omtana-e or Raja-e omtana, literally, the king give- s or the king-Ae

give.

Rajako omtana-ko or Rajako-ko omtana, literally, the kings gi ve-they or the
kings -tfAey give.

The above brings out clearly the fact that in Mundari* as much as
in the Aryan languages, the Personal Pronominal Subjects are an
essential complement of every Transitive and Intransitive Predicate.
But if the Personal Pronoun is the necessary and final complement of
the Mundari as well as of the Organic Transitive or Intransitive
Predicate, then what is the a which must be added to the bare Mundari
Tense-form to lender it capable of coming into direct contact with the
Personal Pronoun, and which has no apparent equivalent in the Organic
Conjugations?

Without this a words denoting states or forms of activity are either
mere Abstract Nouns or Adjectives : with the a they are perfect func-
tional equivalents of our Yerbs. This a has not only the power of
changing into Transitive or Intransitive Predicates Nouns which denote
already states or actions, but it transforms into a Yerb any and every
Mundari word it happens to touch. Concrete Nouns denotative of living
beings or inanimate objects, Pronouns, Numerals, Postpositions?
Adverbs, Interjections,— all are changed into words denoting states or
actions as referable and actually referred to some subject or agent the
moment this a is suffixed to them. Even complete propositions are by it
retransformed into compound words capable of standing as Transitive or
Intransitive Predicates in a new proposition, v* gr t , EokaM-e , he

Pabt II I.

EQUIVALENTS OF CONJUG ATIONAL POEMS.

125

stopped; Neado-le kokalae-q. "We express this by the word hohalde or
we express this by saying hohalde. We might therefore call this a
the verbalizing agent of the Mundari language. But then this name
does not explain anything. The question immediately arises Why is it
the verbalizing agent? Whence does it derive this power of verbalizing
every word or proposition it touches ? What does it mean, and what
is its origin ?

In the Introduction (page xliv) I stated that this a was in reality
nothing else than the Impersonal Pronoun used with an Intransitive
function. That statement can, I think, he proved by the following
arguments : —

1st. — The genius of the language leaves to Mundari words the
largest possible functional elasticity, and thus allows every word to
perform the function of an Intransitive or a Transitive Predicate,
according to the nature of the concept originally denoted by the
words : hence the Impersonal Pronoun d may likewise assume an
Intransitive function. Since a means it or something , it denotes being
in general. If this concept be used intransitively, it can mean only
two things, viz., either (1) to be something or (2) to become something .

2nd. — Here Qualitatives or Adjectives are transformed into Nouns
by means of the Suffix d, v. gr pundi, white ; pundia , something white
or a white one (inanimate object). There is no doubt that in this case
the Suffix a is the Impersonal Pronoun it. The compound literally
means a white something; but the same form is used as a proposition and
means also it is white, v. gr., We hagaj pundia, — This paper is white
(literally, this paper a white-something). The word q is evidently the
same in both expressions : only the function is different.

3rd. — Bare Tense-forms, i.e., B + Y + I + T are in Mundari
mere Qualitatives or Adjectives. Now the addition of d to these Tense-
forms transforms them into Nouns, just as Adjectives arc transformed
into Nouns, v. gr., lelakan is the bare Perfect Tense-form, meaning
having been seen : hence lelakan-d means that which has . been seen [liter ally,
a having been seen something or visum quid).

Here, again, the a is evidently the Impersonal Pronoun. But the
same form may stand as Transitive Predicate to a Subject ; lelakana ,
it has been seen (literally, a having been seen something (is) it). Here,
again, the d appears obviously as the same identical Suffix, but the
function it performs is different

A— That the d here under consideration cannot be considered as
a mere phonetic debris of a former more complete root, but is in reality

126

Mt OTARI GRAMMAR,

the Impersonal Pronoun used intransitively seems proved beyond a
doubt by the following fact. Mundari is much more particular in
specifying the time to which an action belongs than any Organio
language : hence the number of its Tense-forms— 8 Present Tenses , 3
Past Tenses, a Perfect Tense , 2 Future Tenses and a General or Indeterminate
Tense . To each of these corresponds an Imperfect Tense : hence 9
Imperfects . Besides this, it has its Static , Inchoative , and Completive
forms. In all these Tenses, with the exception of two, viz., the Simple
Future and the Indeterminate Tense , the particular time signified by the
Tense-form is denoted by a special and very distinct Tense-suffix.

The absenoe of a special Tense-suffix in the Indeterminate Tense
would be conceivable. That a form which is used only in cases where
the mind deliberately abstracts from any particular time should be
devoid of a special time or Tense-sufficc would have nothing surprising.
But that a language which uses as many as three distinct suffixes to
denote the Present should have no suffix at all for the Future appears
certainly very extraordinary at first sight. It is in fact impossible for
the Munda mind in its present stage to denote an action as future
without his being implicitly conscious that the idea of futurity is in
some way expressed by one of the formative elements in the Predicate.
Yet the Simple Mundari Future is invariably Root 4- Copula + Pronom-
inal Subject in tbe Active Voice-— I will or shall go, — sen-a-mg.
They will come Mju-a-ko. In the other Voices the Future is
R + V + C + S— I shall be seen, — lel-6-a-ing (the 6 is the Passive-Voice
Suffix).

Now it cannot be maintained with a shadow of reason that futurity
is In any way implied by the root of a Predicate, much less by tbe Pro-
nominal Subject, Therefore, we must admit that the Munda mind sees
or is implicitly conscious of futurity being implied by the Copula d 9
which is the only remaining element of the Predicate. Now, if we admit
that the Copula a is really the Impersonal Pronoun a used intransi-
tively, we shall find that this It really may imply futurity. Indeed, if
the Impersonal Pronoun it, which directly denotes being in its vaguest
sense as well as applied to a particular object, conceived merely in its
most general or vaguest outlines, be used with an Intransitive function*
it must mean either to be something or to become something. In other
words, if the idea denoted by the Impersonal Pronoun he verbalized in
Organio languages, it will yield the Verbs to be and to become— sein and
werden , itre and demur, esse and fieri. But the Verbs to become, fieri 9
etc., necessarily imply a future time as opposed to present or realized

PaBT III. EQUIVALENTS OF CONJUGATIOHAL FORMS* 127

entity. If this view be admitted, the Mundari Future Tense finds a
rational explanation. In that ease we may say — in the Future Tense
the Munda uses the Impersonal Pronoun intransitively in the sense of
becoming. Since this necessarily implies futurity, and implies it in a
manner of which the Munda mind is instinctively conscious, he does not
feel the need of a separate Tense-suffix for the Future. Here, then,
the Impersonal Pronoun serves at the same time as Copula and as Tense-
sign : hence the proposition sen-a-ing can literally be translated into
English by going-become-I ; and Mju~q>-~ko means literally coming-
become-they.

In all the other Tenses the Copula d is the Impersonal Pronoun
used in its first meaning, viz., to be. Now, even as the Pronoun it
makes abstraction of all particular specifications in the objects it may
denote, so does the so-called Substantive Yerb to be make abstraction of
all particular times. In itself it only denotes being in its widest sense,
whether real or purely ideal, past, present, or future. The bare root-
form of any Yerb does not imply any particular time : by itself alone
it is indifferent to time. That Organic languages as well as a number
of others use it without a special time affix to denote the present is
indeed quite intelligible on the ground that when no particular time
is mentioned, the speaker may naturally imply the present ; but that
implication does not lie in the root-form as such. This prescinds
from all time. The Mundas use the Intransitive Pronoun d as
meaning to be, precisely in this most abstract sense : hence this Copula
is, in this meaning, perfectly compatible with Present and Past Tense-
suffixes. Considered in this light, all Mundari Tense-forms can be
literally rendered into English as follows, where the Noun being is sub-
stituted for its synonym it —

Definite Pre sent — J52/ u- tan- a-ing, — (A) coming-now-being-I.

Simple Past— 6' en-Jeen-a4ng,~~(A) going-then-being-I.

According to our organic habit of thinking, we feel the need of
transforming the Prenoun it or being into a Verb and say —

Sentan-a-ing , — Going -now am L

Sen/c'en-ciAng, — Going-then am I.

Here we further feel the need of tearing the Past Tense Suffix from
the Predicate and throwing it into our link-word. Thus, we get, going
was I, or I was going.

The Munda of course does not ieel the need of any change in the
form of his Copula. The element of time is attached to the root by
means of a Tense-suffix, and the consciousness that the Personal Pronoun
acts as Subject is sufficiently evoked by the immediate contact of the

128

M UN DARI GRAMMAR.

Personal Pronoun with the compounds sentan, senken , etc. In reality
we do radically the very same thing as the Mundas ; for we too suffix
our Pronouns to roots modified by whole or partial time-suffixes or modi-
ficatory elements. It is only the loss of the explicit consciousness of
their original meaning which makes us attach something like a mysteri-
ous or living meaning to our Verb-forms. In fact, the Organic Conju-
gation is in its origin even more rudimentary than the Mundari
equivalent; for whereas the Munda uses a link-word, we use none : eo 9
is , it> etc., is literally only the juxtaposition of root and Pronominal sub-
ject thus, go J, go thou , go he . But the Munda says : go being J, go being
thou , go being he . The work of referring the attributive root to the
Pronoun as to its Subject is entirely left to the mind. All that language
does is juxtaposition, and thus it leads the mind of the listener to refer
the juxtaposed elements to each other as Predicate and Subject .

Prom the above we see that the Kholarian translates the mind’s
working more closely than we do; for every concept standing as
Predicate is really made up of a fasciculus of notes or features. Among
these there is one which is necessarily common to all possible concepts,
viz. that of bemg y whether real or ideal; this is, so to say, the foundation
on which all our concepts are built up. The building up is done by
superadding to this most vague and universal notion of entity other
particular characteristics or features for the purpose of raising the vague
idea of being to that degree of precision which the mind aims at in a
particular concept.

But this is precisely what the Munda does in his spoken Predicates,
He explicitly calls every Predicate it or a something ; a being. And this
something he specifies by adding to it roots denoting such characteristics
as are there and then required. The order which he follows in adding
these specifications is the same which he uses when specifying a Noun
by means of Qualitatives, viz., the specifications precede the word speci-
fied. Just as he expresses the phrase —

A good and wise man, — Bugin adJ seranan hero ,

so does he express the phrase —

• Coming now,™

Mju4an a literally, a coming-now being . Hence, strictly
speaking, this is not precisely a link-word between the Subject and the
Predicate. It is rather the common basis of all Accidental Predicates or
the universal Predicate of Accidental propositions. And that compound
which w© call exclusively the Predicate, consists in reality only of those

Part III.

EQUIVALENTS OP CON JUGATIONAL POEMS.

129

specifications which, are added to the common or universal Predicate
as so many qualitative appositions or limitations.

The Aryan does not in his Predicate express the common element of
all concepts. Taking it for granted that the listener’s mind will supply
that element, he translates into language only the particular features
of his Predicative concept. This greater liberty with which he trans-
lates thought into language renders his Predicates, if less regular, a
great deal lighter, and thus more handy for practical purposes.

Besides those structural differences between Organic Verbs and
Mundari Transitive and Intransitive Predicates, which have been pointed
out above, there exists still another which it seems preferable to explain
immediately befoie entering on a detailed description of the Tense,
Voice, and Mood-forms. The flexional process is not uniformly the same
in even one and the same Organic languages. It is subdivided into
several classes or Conjugations, the number of which varies from
language to language. Thus all the Latin Verbs fall under four
different Conjugations.

This division is based directly on the exigencies of those phonetic
laws which regulate the blending of the primary and secondary
elements of a verb into one word.

In Mundari the process by which the primary and the secondary or
formative elements are agglutinated into one word remains uniformly
the same. For (1) the formative elements are always the same; (2)
the extent to which they submit to phonetic changes consequent on
their subordination to the primary root never varies; hence if, for the
sake of a name, we call the Mundari process conjugation , we should say
that in Mundari there exists but one Conjugation . However, this Mun-
dari Conjugation is subdivided into two constructions — the Personal
and the Impersonal construction . —

Ts~~The Personal Construction is that in which the Subject is a Per -
sonal Pronoun. This Pronoun may occupy three different positions as
explained above (pages 12 and 13).

Impersonal Construction is that which has the Neuter
Pronoun a as Subject.

We too have Impersonal Verbs, but they do but partially coincide
with the Mundari Impersonal Predicates. Thus, whereas we conceive
the Subject of natural phenomena as impersonal, the Munda conceives
it as personal We say it rains, it hails, etc. The Munda says he rains,
gamajada~e ; he hails, ariljada*e , etc.

b IT

130

MUNEARI GRAMMAR.

In Mundari the Impersonal Construction is limited to two kinds
of words —

1st. Words denoting purely subjective states or a Sections, such as
joy, grief, etc. [confer the Latin poeniiet me, taedet me ,
etc.)

2nd, The so-called Substantive "Verb to be, i.e., to exist or to be
present , mena, and its contradictory band, not to exist or to
be absent .

In these two kinds of words the subject or being affected by joy,
grief, etc., or the being of whom existence or non-existence is predicated
is treated as an inserted Pronominal Objects

Hasti, sickness, pain: hence also, to pain. It will pain thee, — hasu- ame- g; it
does pain thee, —hasu-jad' -me- a ; it did pain thee, — hasu-Jced'-me-a.

In the case of the first kind of words the Impersonal Construction
is subject to certain limitations. In the case of mend and band it is
confined to the Present Tense. Full explanations on this point will be
given further on.

The terms Voice, Hood, and Tense may be kept in the etymological
description of Mundari Transitive and Intransitive Predicates, because
they do not directly imply the flexional process of Conjugation.

The particular names of the various Voices, Moods, and Tenses may,
with a few obvious modifications and additions, be kept also.

VOICE.

If we take the term Voice as denotative of a pure grammatical
function, we may define it as the particular relation of activity or
receptivity in which the Subject of a judgment stands to a Transitive or
Intransitive Predicate.

The Subject may stand to such Predicates —

(1) In the relation of an agent, v.gr., I see . This relation is called

the Active Voice .

(2) It may stand to the Predicate in the relation of a recipient .

In this ease the Subject is in reality the terminus of an
action performed by some one else, v.gr., 1 am seen .
This relation is called the Passive Voice .

(3) The Subject may, in certain judgments, be conceived as both

the agent and the recipient of an action, v.gr I see myself .
This relation may be called the Reflexive Voice , the term

Pam III.

MOODS.

131

implying that the action is conceived as turning or falling
back on tlie agent himself. It corresponds therefore to the
Greek Medium Voice .

(4) A Subject may denote two or more agents. These may, in
certain judgments, be represented as reacting on each other,
i.e., as being at the same time with regard to each other
agents and recipients of specifically the same action, v.gr. t
They see each other . This relation may be called the
Reciprocal Voice .

If now we consider the term Voice as directly applied to particular
word-forms and only indirectly to the above functions or relations,
we may define it as that form of a Transitive or an Intransitive
Predicate which shows whether the Subject stands to the Predicate in
the relation of activity, passivity, or of both activity and passivity.

Organic languages do not attach the relation of reciprocity to the
Predicate form. That relation is expressed by the Eeciprocal Pronouns
standing outside the Predicate, v.gr., by each other in the proposition, — -
They see each other. The relation of refiexivity too is in most of them
detached from tbe Predicate and denoted by separate Reflexive Pronouns.
Hence in most Organic languages Verbs have only two Voices — the
Active and the Passive. In some we meet with three Voices — the Active ,
the Passive , and the Reflexive or Medium.

Mundari attaches all four of the relations described above to the
Predicate. It has neither Reflexive nor Reciprocal Pronominal forms,
and does not stand in need of them : hence here we have four Voices—
the Active , the Passive , the Reflexive, and the Reciprocal.

MOODS.

Considered as a grammatical function, the term Mood may be
defined as the connotation of the manner in which the mind conceives
a judgment. Considered as a word-form, we may define it as that
form of a Transitive or Intransitive Predicate which connotes the
manner in which a proposition is uttered. A proposition may be
uttered assertively , imperatively , conditionally , or dubiiatwely .

Mood-forms have been very unevenly developed even in languages
of the same group. In Mundari we meet with five Moods— the
Indicative , the Imperative , the ordinary Precative or Concessive , the Polite
Precative or Optative , and the Conditional. The Infinitive cannot be
called a Mundari Mood in the sense of the above definition. The

132

MUX DARI GRAMMAR.

Conditional differs so radically from the other Mundari Moods that it
can hardly be called a Mood at all ; for in the clause which contains
the condition, the Predicate is no longer connected with the Subject by
means of the Copula, and thus it loses its character as a real Transitive
or Intransitive Predicate.

Details concerning the Voices and Moods presuppose a full explana-
tion of the Tense-forms, whose function consists in pointing out the
time to which an action belongs.

The connotative functions of the Aryan Verb are limited to Voice,
Mood, and Tense. To these functions the corresponding Mundari
Predicates add, as stated in page 115 and 116, Case or the signification
of Direct and Indirect Objects. Besides this, the Mundari Predicates
possess another very characteristic feature, which is altogether wanting
in our Verbs.

There exists, in the Active Voice of Transitive Predicates, a form
which is neither a Mood nor a Teme, It cannot be called a Mood
because the Suffix by which it is obtained does not imply the manner
in which the proposition is uttered. It is not a Tense-form because
the Suffix does not in any way connote time. It is obtained by
suffixing ta to the root. It has a double connotation —

(1) It may signify the intention of the agent or the instigator of

an action with regard to the effects of that action.

(2) It may signify a particular state of mind in which the agent

performed the action, viz., it implies that the act is or was
done in spite of a custom or an order —

Duar-ing nlea means 1 shall open the door.

Duar-ing m*ia means either (1) I shall open the door and want it to remain
open, or (2) I will open the door, happen what may, i.e., contrary to anybody s
order or desire.

This form occurs only in the Indeterminate Teme , as in the above
example, in the Simple Past and in the Imperative Mood .

In the Simple Past the Tense-suffix led drops the letters k and e 9
so that a Compound Suffix tad results, which stands for ta-hed ~~

Duar-ing ni-heda , — I opened the door.

Duar-ing m4ada t -~ either (1) I opened the door and left it ajar, or (2) I did
open she door , notwithstanding any orders to the contrary or notwithstanding
any apprehended consequences.

Part III.

TENSES. ■

138

Direct Pronominal Objects are inserted according to the general
rules, thus—

TJriJeo-mg ader-ta-'ko-a 3 ~~( 1) I shall drive the cattle in and shut them up ; or
(2) I will drive the cattle in now, though it he not yet time to do so , or though
1 have been told not to,

TJrilco-ing ader4ad r -7co-a 3 —l drove the cattle in and shut them up (so that
they are even now inside), or I did drive the cattle in, notwithstanding any custom
or order to the contrary .

This form would, from its nature, appear to be limited to Transitive
Predicates, i,e» 9 such as do necessarily presuppose a Direct Object or a
real direct terminus distinct from the agent. However, the second
meaning which it conveys, viz., that of a determination to act notwith-
standing any moral or physical obstacles, allows its transfer to purely
Intransitive Predicates, such as sen , to go ; nir, to run, etc. Thus, for
instance, the sentence — I kept on walking fast (notwithstanding my
fatigue or the heat, etc.) may very adequately be rendered by khub-ing
sen-tada.

This very peculiar form has been called the Reservative and the Static .
Though neither of the terms he an exact designation of the function
performed, the term Static will be kept in the subsequent pages.

Instead of placing it under a separate heading as distinct from
Voice, Mood , and Tense , it will be classed with the Tenses, where it will
figure as Static Future and Static Past respectively. The Imperative
form will he classed as Static Imperative .

Note. — This is a very remarkable instance of the transfer of a meaning from
the spheres of time and space to the purely mental and moral spheres. In the
chapter on Postpositions it has been stated that ta denotes primarily fixity in
space and permanence or continuity in time. Here we see the very same suffix
used to denote (1) permanence or continuity of the effects of an action as intended
by the agent (mental sphere); (2) fixity or firmness of purpose or resolve on the
part of the agent to perform a certain action, notwithstanding any difficulties to
the contrary (moral sphere).

TENSES.

The Active Voice and (the Indicative Mood are not connoted by
special Suffixes: hence Predicates consisting only of the root plus the
Copula, plus the Subject, or of the root plus the Tense-suffix, plus the
Copula, plus the Pronominal Subject, belong to the Indicative Mood
of the Active Voice.

134

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

I.— The Indeterminate Tense.

We are in the habit of using a Present Tense-form to express
certain actions or states which are not limited to the present time.

To this class belong (1) propositions stating general principles or
universal truths ; (2) propositions stating customs and habits not yet
extinct, as well as regularly recurring actions and events.

To express these, the Mundas use no Suffix denotative of time,
but subjoin the Copula a immediately to the Voice and Mood-form
whenever no Pronominal Object is to be inserted. The first vowel of
the root is lengthened.

If some Direct or Indirect Pronominal Object occur, then that is
inserted between the Copula and the Voice and Mood-form.

This mode of expressing such statements is, in a way, more
accurate than the use of a Present Tense-form, because the absence of
any Suffix denotative of time is well calculated to imply that the
statement makes abstraction of every particular time; that it holds
good of the past, the present, and the future—

J Kormo gojo-a, atma Tcae g ojo*a, — The body dies, the spirit does not die.
JPormesor nel-bu-ae^ —G od sees us (always). MundaJco hero dipli-lco bonga-e-a ^
The Mundas ofiier a sacrifice at sowing time (a custom universally observed). Ord
chilekate-ko bai-e-a? How are they in the habit of making (their) houses?
Garako urea enrege daJco dul-e-a enateJco ckapadea ; chapad'kedchi en losod f
pachri tap&teko idia , etc., — They first dig (a hole in the ground), into that they
pour water and then knead (prepare the mud) ; having kneaded, they take that
mud to build up the wall.

Bokomdo chiJeanmente Tcae taekena hature ? Why was not your brother
in the village ? Gupitee sen-a gomke. He (always or usually) takes the cattle
to graze, sir, i.e., that is his regular daily work.

JS y ea chikana-ko Jcajia ? What do they call this ? QhandaeaJco, — They call
it cliandae (the eaves of a roof). Pea chikana-ko chila ? What are (people) using
this for ? What are they (generally) doing with this ?

Words ending in a checked vowel insert a euphonic e before the
Copula in the Indeterminate end the Future Tense. In this case the
checked vowel Is broken up into two distinct vowels, which the first
keeps a slight check, thus —

Ti 9 hand ; tii 9 to take by the hand, to handle something, to lead or to take
with one's own hand; cho, a kiss ; clwo % to kiss ; k&> cough ; Mu to cough ;
fii-e-a-ing, chSo-e-aing, huu-e-cdng. \

Intransitive Predicates ending in a consonant never insert this e — v
Debel, to swim; debel-a-ing, sen, to go, $en-a»ko.

Pabt III.

135

TENSES.

Transitive Predicates , no matter what their ending be, insert an e
before the Copula whenever their Direct Object is an inanimate being.

LeUe-aing, — I shall see it ; haruh'-e-a Jco,— They will cover it up.

Any word used with the meaning to call by such or such a word, to
mean, to signify , to denote by such or such a word , refuses the insertion of
e before the Copula, even if it end in a checked vowel—

Chilcana-Jco Mia ? What do they mean by the word tii F Enz-lco M-t&a— that
they express by the word kuu (to cough). JS/ea-le si rma-d,— “We call this sirma
(a roof). But nea-le sirma-e-a , — We shall make a roof of this (i.e., of these
materials).

II.— 1 The Simple Future.

This Tense is, in its form, absolutely similar to the Indeterminate
Tense. The difference of function assumed by the same word-form is
explicable only on the supposition that here the Copula d means
to become, and thus implies futurity; whereas in the Indeterminate
Tense the Copula means to be in its widest and vaguest sense, and
therefore applies to all times, the past, the present, and the future.
Needless to say that the identity in form of two quite distinct tenses
presents great difficulties to a foreigner. The fact that .the Indeter-
minate Tense has no counterpart at all in Organic languages will
naturally mislead him into using a Mundari Present Tense where he
ought to use the Indeterminate form. The same fact will lead him to
mistake for Futures the Indeterminate forms used by the Mundas until
he has accustomed himself thoroughly to attribute to the context and
the circumstances that amount of attention which in this as in many
other constructions helps to fix the actual meaning of a proposition.
Thus the sentence En kora nete hijuae may mean either that man is in
the habit of coming here, or that man will come here. The lengthen-
ing of the first syllable in the Indeterminate Tense is generally not
sufficiently pronounced to strike the foreigner easily.

For those who wish to acquire a practical knowledge of the
language, it is absolutely necessary that they should, for some time,
practise the insertion of all the Personal Direct and Indirect Objects
into each of the three Persons in the Singular, Dual, and Plural.
To give a complete scheme of all the possible insertions, even for a
single Tense, is quite out of the question. For (1) the third Persons
of the Singular, Dual, and Plural may take each eleven insertions :
hence thirty-three different forms for the Indicative of these three

136

MUNDARl GRAMMAR.

Persons only. Each of the eight remaining Persons take ten

distinct insertions : henoe eighty more forms.

The folio-wing schemes may serve as models to practise both the
correct use of the Pronominal Subjects and the insertion of the Pronom-
inal Objects. The learner may, mutatis mutandis, transfer them to

all the oilier Tenses,

Scheme for practising the correct use of the
3rd Person Plural inserted as

Rd-ko-a-ing, I shall call them.

Rd-ko-a-m, thou wilt call them.

Rd-ko-a-e, he or she will call them.

{Rd-ko-a, it will call them.)

Rd-leo-a-lang, thou and I will call them.

Rd-ko-a-ling, he or she and I „ »

Rd-lco-a-ben, you two » ”

M-ko-a-fdng, both or the two „ »

Rd-Jco-a-bu, you and I » »

Rd-ko-a-le 9 they and I

Rd-ko-a-pe, you » »

Rd-ko-a-ko i they » ”

Subjects together uith th e
Direct Object .

Gapa-ing rd-ko-a, 1
Gapa-m rd-ko-a,

Gapa-e rd-ko-a 9

Gapa-lang rd-ko-a,
Qapa-ling rd-ko-a,
Gapa-ben rd-ko-a 9
Qapa-king rd-ko-a 9
Gapa-lw rd-fco-a,
Gapa-le rd-ko-a,
Gapa-pe rd-ko-a 9
Gapa-ko rd-ko-a.

t t
2 £
® 1
,12

v 4 l

JN

o

I 8

o^i

ora

e £

©

Scheme for practising the rapid insertion of ad the Direct Objects into
the 3rd Person Singular.

Rd-in-a-e, he or
Rd-me-a-e, j

Rd-i-a-e,

Rd4cmg-a-e,

Rd-ling-a-e,

Rd-hen-a-e,

Rd-king-a-e,

Rd-bu-a-e, 9

Rd-le-a-e 9 >

Rd-pe-a-e t »

Rd-ko-a-e, :

In the first of the above schemes the Direct Object ko should be
successively replaced by all the other Pronouns, whereas in the secon
scheme the Subject e should be replaced successively by the other

Pronominal Subjects. In replacing the Subject . by other Pronouns,
attention must he paid to the fact that where the Subject and Direct
Object are one and the same person, the Active forms with Inserted

Objects cannot he used. It must be replaced by the Reflexive forms

will call me.

Gapa-e rd-in-a.

ft a thee.

Gapa-e rd-me-a,

99 „ 7dm or her.

Gapa-e rd-i-a,

„ „ thee and me.

Gapa-e rd-lang a,

99 ft him or her and me.

G gapa-e rd-ling-a,

„ „ goth two.

Gapa-e rd-ben-a,

9) „ both of them.

Gapa-e rd-king-a,

,t „ y ou and me.

Gapa-e rd-bn-a,

?J „ them and me.

Gapa-e rd-le-a.

„ » y°u-

G ap a-e rd-pe-a 9

„ „ them.

Gapa-e rd-ko-a, j

O

Part III.

TENSES.

187

This coincidence of Subject and Direct Objects happens always in the'
1st and 2nd Persons, Singular, Dual, and Plural, I ■ strike myself
cannot be translated by dal-in-a-ing. It must be rendered by the
Reflexive form dal-en-a-ing.

Similarly, thou strikest thyself is dal-en-a~m, not dal-me-a+m* ; He
strikes himself is dal-en*a-e, not daUi-ct-e.

The form dal-i-a-e signifies that one third person strikes another
third person.

In those Tenses in which the Indirect Pronominal Objects are
preceded by the insertion of these Objects must be practised
separately —

Kul-m ae, 7cul-me-ae leul4-ae } etc., means he will send me, thee , Mm, etc.,
kul-ain-ae , IcuU ame -ae, Jcul ai-ae, etc., means he will send (some one or some-
thing) to me, to thee, to him, etc.

Auri followed by a Future Tense is equivalent to the English phrases not yet
or not as yet followed by a Perfect or a Pluperfect.

He has not yet returned , — Aurie ruara . At that time they had not yet
surveyed the fields in these parts, — En dipli nere ote auriko mukaea.

III.— Static Future.

The formation and meaning of this compound has been explained
above (pages 132 and 133).

Indirect Pronominal Objects are never inserted into the Static Future.
Direct Objects stand between the Suffix ia and the Copula, v.gr I
will sell off these horses , — He sadomimng altiring-ta-ko-a.

When the Direct Object is an inanimate being (in which case no
insertion is made), euphonic vowels are not interposed between the a
of the Suffix and the Copula: hence these two a’s are in imme-
diate contact. This contact produces a single long a with the
check. Thus m-td~ing, ni-td-e , ni-td-lang , etc., — I, thou, he or

she, thou and I, etc., will set the door ajar,

Ta is rarely suffixed to Intransitive Predicates. If affixed, it
changes them into Transitives, v.gr. y Using Ranchi yaked' ing sen-ta
means I will do the road from here to Ranchi to-day ; I will traverse
to-day the distance from here to Ranchi,

IV.— The Anterior Future.

It is formed by suffixing le to the root, and denotes th© priority ■
of one future action over another future action*

Transitive Predicates insert both Direct and Indirect Objects
between le and the Copula. The Indirect Objects are, however, not

b 18

138

MUNDAKI GRAMMAB.

preceded by a, so that the context or the circumstances must decide
whether in certain cases the Simple Pronouns stand as Direct or as
Indirect Objects. Thus, for instance, Om-U-ko-aing may mean either
I shall first give them (v.gr., the horses) away to some on© ; or I shall
first give it to them.

When the Pronouns ing or i stand inserted as Objects, the e of le
elides with the i of ing and with L The result is a long h In this
elision the Pronoun i, he or she, loses its check. Thus Om-M-ae,—
He will first give to roe ; rd-U-aing v — I shall first call him or her.

N.B. — Great attention must be paid to the correct pronunciation of these two forms,
because they differ from the Anterior Past only by t&e absence of the check on the i : Raima*
means bo first called me ; rdllflae means he will first call me, Rdl%ae t — He first called him
or her ; rdUae,-* He will first call him or her.

Le is not affixed as a mere Anterior Future Suffix to Intransitive
Predicates, such, as sen, nir, hijii, etc., in the Indicative Mood.

Intransitives form their Anterior Future in three different ways —

1st. — They may take the Suffix !cu_ after the root. This Suffix
generally performs the function of a Polite Precative or Optative, v.gr.,
Dub-k6-aing ? May I sit down, please ? However, with Intransitive
Predicates this function frequently disappears, and it is simply equiv-
alent to the Future in le used in Transitive Predicates, v.gr., Or atm g
sen-lw-a, — I shall first go home ; Pittelang sen-Ici-a , — Let us (thee
and me) go first to the market.

2nd. — The Simple Future Tense may he preceded by the Adverbs
sida or sidate , first, v.gr., sida or Mat e pittelang sena,— Thou and I will
first go to the market.

3rd. — The Adverb sida may be suffixed to the root just as le is
suffixed in Transitive and ho in Intransitive Predicates, thus Nir-
sidaeabig, — I will first run ; Nir-sidaeam , — Thou wilt first run.

This construction has, however, generally a different meaning:
Mrsidaeam, — Thou wilt be the first to run away. Here no precedence
of one action over another is implied. In this sense, therefore, the
form is a Simple and not an Anterior Future.

In the case of Transitive Predicates too the above constructions
with sida, sidate are freely used instead of the Anterior Future form in
j«. Meromlco kar-sida-ko-aing, — I shall first drive the goats away.

If sida be suffixed to the root, inserted Indirect Objects are not
preceded by a :

Talab om-sida-ko-amg , — I shall first give the wages to them.

Part III.

TENSES.

139

The form sen~k~cting is the only ease in which I have ever heard the
Suffix le used with an Intransitive Predicate in the Indicative Mood.
On enqu ir ing into the correctness and the meaning of senleaing, I
was told by some of the more intelligent among correct speakers that
the form is used* but that it does not mean I shall first go, but I shall
try to go* I shall attempt the distance . In this phrase sen participates
of the nature of a Transitive Predicate. I have further been assured
that le cannot* even in this sense, be used with other Intransxiives, such
as hijtiy nir, etc.

Le is used to denote the idea of attempting or trying ; but then it
is followed by k, v.gr., kuril-M-aing,—, I shall try to jump {that height
or length).

V.— The Definite Present.

This Tense is formed by suffixing tan to the root of both Transitive
and Intransitive Predicates. Direct and Indirect Pronominal Objects
are inserted between the root of the Predicate and the Suffix tan—

.. Ra~ing4an-ae , — he is calling me. Om-ako-tan-aing, — I give to
them.

When the Second Person Singular me is inserted into the Definite
Present as Indirect Object 9 it frequently drops the final e —

Om-ame-tan-aing or om-am-tan-aing , — I am giving it to thee.

Similarly, the e of me may be dropped when me is inserted as
Direct Object into words ending in a . Ra-me-tanae or rd-m*tanae 9 —
he calls thee.

VI.— The Indefinite Present.

It is formed by suffixing jad to the root of the Predicate.

Direct and Indirect Objects are inserted between the Tense-suffix
and the Copula.

Indirect Objects are never preceded by a, so. that the context and
the circumstances must decide whether an inserted Pronoun stands then
and there as Direct or as Indirect Object.

The d oijad is checked whenever the inserted Pronoun begins with
a Consonant — Lel-jad' -meaing, lel-jad'-lingae.

140

MUNDAKI GRAMMAR.

Before the Pronouns ing and z the a is dropped altogether, and
the a oijad is checked — Lel-jd-mae , lel-ja-i-aing.

Concerning the use of Indirect Objects with this Tense, the follow-
ing rules should he observed : —

Words denoting to give , to lend , and their synonyms generally
insert their Indirect Objects, v.gr,, Takaing painchaj a d'- ko-a , — I am
lending money to them; kami~e omjad' -le~a, — He is giving work to us.

Words denoting to bring , to take , to carry, and their synonyms
generally do not insert Indirect Objects. The Object stands outside the
Predicate with the Suffixes tdte or tare according to the nature of the
case. Hence (a) when the Indirect Object is a living being, denoted
by a Noun, no Pronominal Object is used at all, v.gr., I take this
to thy brother, — Nea bokom-tafeng idijada: never Nea bokom4dteng
idijdia; (b) when the Indirect Object is a Personal Pronoun, then the
emphatic form with the required Suffix stands out of the Predicate —

1 take this to them, — Nea ako4ateng idijada .

3, Indirect Objects to most other words stand out of the Predicate
with the Postposition nagente and synonyms (see pages 61 and 68)—
Ne loeong ae menteng si-jada, —I plough this field for him.

Distinction between the Definite and the Indefinite Present .

The grammatical Present may be conceived in two ways: (i) an
action may be conceived as actually going on at the present moment , i.e,,
as belonging to the present in the strict and narrow sense of the word.
(2) It may be conceived as going on or continuing, with such
interruptions as circumstances may require, through that vaguely
defined portion of time which we call the present in the wider sense
of the word. The terms Definite Present and Indefinite Present would
accurately designate these two modes of conceiving present actions.
In Munclari grammar these terms, however, cannot be limited to
this meaning.

The correct use of these two Tenses is difficult for a foreigner. Even
an accuxate description of their respective functions is not easy. For
the functions are based on two distinct principles, viz , first and mainly
on the manner in which the action itself is conceived, independently of
th© element of time, and only secondarily and exceptionally on the
manner in which th© present time is conceived,

.. If an action is conceived exclusively as a modification of the- agent,
it is, grammatically speaking, intransitive. This mode of conceiving

Vaiit III

T3ENSKS,

141

may b© extended even to those forms of activity widen in reality must
have an effect or terminus distinct from and out of the agent.

If, on the contrary, the mind considers an action both as a modifi-
cation of the agent and as having an effect or terminus out of the
agent, it is called transitive. It is these two inodes of conception, the
Munda mind adheres to throughout, and he expresses them in language
by distinct Suffixes.

All Tense-suffixes ending in n are primarily Intransitive Suffixes ;
those ending in d are primarily Transitive Suffixes .

As a general rule, the Munda does not distinguish between the
present moment in the narrow or strict sense and the present time in the
loose or wide sense. A thorough-going distinction therefore between
a Definite and an Indefinite Present as defined above does not exist in
Mundari grammar*

So far as the element of time is concerned, there is, generally speak~ #
mg, but one Present Tame in Mundari. This Tense abstracts from the
stricter and the wider present: it embraces both of these without parti-
cularly insisting on either. Hence the following rules : —

1st, — -The Suffix tan serves to form the Pres.nt Tense of Intransitive
Predicates .

2nd. — The Suffix jad serves to form the Present Tense of Transitive
Predicates .

Kamitanae may mean, He is working just now, or he has work
these days.

3rd. — When it is desired or necessary to point out that a Transitive
action which is then and there conceived transitively is actually going
on at the present moment, the Suffix tan must be used. In this ease
Direct and Indirect Objects denoting living beings must be inserted into
the Predicate. The following example was given by a servant as an
illustration of this rule : I and another servant stand near a table on
which money is lying, and you, sir, are sitting at a distance. The other
servant whispers to me: “Take on© of those rupees.” But you
happen to be just then looking at me. So I whisper back : “ I can’t :
the master is seeing me,” — Ruing dark ; gomkee lel-ing-tana.

Do you see those two birds F No, I don’t. I suppose they have
now disappeared behind the leaves. Not a bit ! there they are ; I see
them still, — En ehenreking leljqd'kingam chi ? Eaing Mjqd'Mnga; sakam«
lore danangjanakingja . Kage ! mendkogea : ndoing lel-king-tana. Here
the Predicate leljqd'kinga is in both instances a Definite Present, But
sine© no stress is so far laid on the exact moment, the ordinary'

142

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

Transitive Present forms are used ; but in the last sentence the Suffix
tan must be used because the speaker desires to point out the exact
or strict present moment.

This is the only ease in which tan is used instead of jad for the
particular purpose of obtaining a real Definite Present form.

In those parts where the Hindus and TTraons have not yet settled,
and where the Mundas know and speak only Mundari, jad is hardly
ever suffixed to Intransitive Predicates. It is in fact so rare that it may
safely be considered as a mistake. I have been told by several of the
best speakers that such forms as senjadaing, nirjadaing are used only
by foreigners who do not know Mundari properly and by the Mundas
who live among Hindus and TTraons.

Frequently the context will show whether this Tense-form is there
and then performing the function of a strict Definite or a strict Indefi-
nite Present in the ease of Intransitive Predicates —

v. gr., My elder brother is not at home now ; he works at the road, —
Bauing bangaia, horare kamitanae (Be/. Pres.).

What are you doing these days ? — I am working at the road,— ■
Chikanam cMkatana Using gapa ? Eorareng kamitana. (Here ehikatanam
and kamitanaing are both Indefinite Presents.)

A. man looking on at a carpenter engaged on some particular work,
but not understanding what sort of implement or furniture he is making
will ask : Chikanam baijada ?— What are you making ? The carpenter
answers : Kirking baijada, — I am making a window. Here baijada is
twice used as a Definite Transitive Present.

So far all is easy and simple enough. The difficulty lies in the
following rules : —

jth. — The Suffix tan must be used with Transitive Predicates when-
ever the speaker makes abstraction of the outward effect or terminus of
the action in question, and considers it only in so far as it affects the
agent. In that case Pronominal Direct and Indirect Objects (denotative
of living beings) are not inserted into the Tense-form if these Objects
occur as Nouns or Independent Pronouns in the sentence :

What art thou doing in this place ? (What is your occupation or
work here these days?), — I am teaching thehhildren of the village, —
Here chikanam ehikatana Using gape ? Haturen honkoing ikdana i (Here
both Predicates are Indefinite Presents, and the Transitive word itu, to
teach, does not take a Pronominal Object.)

Part III.

tenses.

143

Why is your brother not at homo ? Where is he just now ?
He is grazing the cattle, — Baum chikanamente bang diet ? okoria nado ?
JJrikoe gupitana. Here gupitana is a Definite Present.

VII.— The Contimiative Present.

It is formed by suffixing the transitive Perfect Tense suffix akacl to
both Transitive and Intransitive Predicates.

The intransitive Suffix akan is used only with those Intransitives
which denote rest or stillness, such as Ungun , to stand ; dub, to sit ; gifi,
to lie down ; hapen, to keep silence, and their synonyms. Direct and
Indirect Pronominal Objects stand between the Suffix akad and the
Copula. Indirect Objects are not preceded by a.

The phonetic changes are the same as those indicated in the Transi-
tive Present, in jad, p. p. 139 and 140.

It frequently takes the emphatic ge, which stands immediately
before the Copula : Sen-akad'-ge-ae, — he keeps on walking or going ;
Lel-a-kad’ -ko-ge-ae, he keeps looking at them ; Tmgu-akan-ge-ae,-~h.e
continues standing all the while; hape-akan-ge-ae , — he persistently
keeps silent.

The Continuative Present implies that an action already begun will
or must be continued uninterruptedly through the Present into the
Future until certain circumstances or explicit orders cause it to cease.
It is of course chietly used in the Imperative Mood.

2V.2?.— Tiio uninterrupted continuity hero spoken of may apply either to numerically the
same act or to numerically distinct acts of a homogeneous series. In the first case the contiuua
tive Present denotes a physical continuity of one and the same act, 'o*gr,—goa,7cad , geaing
I keep carrying it, t.&, I have never put it down for an instant. In the second case it denotes a
morally uninterrupted continuity, and implies that each time au occasion presents itself for
performing an act belonging to the series, that occasion will or may not be missed" v qr
They still continue killing everyone who enters their country : j Vdo aJcod disumre bolotanko
goealad'kogealco.

VIII.— The Simple Past.

It is formed by suffixing ken to Intransitive and ked to Transitive
Predicates. Ben-ken-aing , I went ; lel-ked-aing, I saw it.

Direct Pronominal Objects are inserted between the Suffix ked and
the Copula.

When the Pronouns mg or l stand as Direct Objects, the consonant
d of ked is dropped and the e elides with i of ing or with i. This elision
causes the i of ing to be checked; hence the forms—

Lel-Mn-ako, they saw me, instead of lel-ked-in-ako.

Lel-U-ako , they saw him, instead of lel-ked-i-aho.

144

mtJNDABl GRAMMAR.

Qm-ad’+Ung-ae ,

Om-ad'-ben-a®,

Om-cid'-Icing-ae*

Om-ad'-hu-ae,

Om-ad'-le-ae,

Om-ad'-$>e-ae s

Om-ad^ho’ae,

He gave it to him and n. e.
He gave it to you two.

He gave it to both of them.
He gave it to you and me.
He gave it to them and me.
He gave it to you.

He gave it to them.

TLese strong elisions are limited to the Mankipati districts. In

wfriBd tKt Objects are inserted, the Simple fast is so difierent
ta : F b ",t il would seem quite unconnected with the form m

Iced —

Om-diti-ae or | ^ gaTe it to me,

Om-ad'-in-cie, )

Om-ad'-me-ae, He gave it to thee,

Om-di-ae, ) He gave it to him
Om-ad-i-ae, > or to her.

Om-ad'-lang-ae, He gave it thee
and me,

A plousMe

H « shows, I this!

? - ,, , j 7 the basis of the above forms. 1 there assume that

Se^bS introduces Indirect Prouoroin.1 Objecte, h», in this Tense
the wmc guffix ked Vnereas the Pronoun follows the

sX P :‘tL — The instinctiwehurry to h»teu torn the .

, ., natuial complement, the Pronoun, caused the two first letters o

M to be dropped, thus producing the forms om-a-d-in-ae,

n r! i ae etc In the Maukipati district the forms om-M-ae and

f i ll then further contracted into ern-^ae and
Tthese two contractions the disappearance of the consonant d caused

^ a to be checked. This check reacting on the Pronoun f reduces it

to an unchecked vowel e. because it simply

connotation.

IX— Tli© Incomplete Past.

zs «. — ^ «■ “ i ™ * *■ m,wy

^ifJfomlTb^tor^ to the root. Pronominal Objects are
It is forme J because in this form the subjective element

not inserted. . Ihe words , the action is considered

of the action lsonsiste • ■ ent benee it becomes virtually

gsrs tu — *•*»■**

Pabt III.

TENSES.

145

I

I

phrase, to have been busy doing this or that— Enangsanj madding md,-kcna? ~~
This morning I have been busy cutting bamboos (but I have not cut
as many as I intend to cut). Bn loeongem siakada ? Hast thou ploughed
that rice-field? Sidoing si-kena, awing chabaea , — I have been busy
ploughing, but I have not finished it yet.

X. — The Anterior Past.

This Tense denotes the priority of one past action over another. It
is formed by suffixing len to Intransitive and led to Transitive
Predicates.

Pronominal Objects are inserted between the Suffix led and the
Copula. Indirect Objects are not preceded by a.

When mg or i are inserted as Objects, the same elisions take place
which have been described in the Simple Past Tense. Hence the forms
Lel-Mae for lel-led-in-ae , — He first saw me, and Lel-li-ae for lel-led-i-
ae , — He first saw him.

A very strong contraction takes place when the Direct Object is
inanimate, in which case Personal Pronouns are not inserted. The
complete form is let-led* aing , — I first saw it or them (inanimate objects).
In the Mankipati district the ed of led is dropped, the Copula is checked
and immediately suffixed to the l : hence the forms —

Lel-ld-ing, I saw it (them i.o.) first.

LeUldm, Thou sawest, etc.

Lel-lde , He or she saw, etc.

Remark —When there is question of one agent having performed a certain action before
another agent performed the same action, the Anterior Past is not used, because this form
denotes the priority of one past action over some other past action. In that ease aiar or sida
are suffixed to the root and followed by the Simple Past Suffixes hen or bed or some other Past
Suffix. He was the first to run away, — A'ege niraiarjanae. I was the first to see these birds,—
Aing ne cheyrehoing lelsidabed'hoaing .

The words hijn, to come, and jonoma , to he born, always form their Simple Past in len.
The forms hijii-lenaing hijti-henam, etc., are never heard from the Mundas themselves.

One frequently hears the Anterior Past used in eases where the real function of this Tense
would not justify its use. The following may be accepted as a correct general rule or descrip,
tion of the Mundas’ practice : —

Whenever there is really question of the priority of one past action over another, the
Mundas invariably use the Anterior Past Tense form. In other cases they use it rather
frequently instead of the Simple Past .

XI. — The Static Past.

' It is limited to Transitive Predicates, and is formed by suffixing tad
to the root.

Lel-ldlang, Thou and I saw it first.
LeUldlmg , He or she and I, etc.
Lel-ld-ben , You two, etc., etc.

b 19

146

MUKDAHI GRAMMAR*

Pronominal Objects stand between the Suffix and the Copula.
Indirect Objects are not preceded by a. The elisions described in the
Simple Past take place here too when the Pronouns ing or i are inserted
as Objects: hence the forms tol4&4n-ae for tol-tad-in-ae, and tol-ia4~ae
for tol4ad~i~ae»

What has been said above concerning the double function or
meaning of the Static Future applies also to the Static Past —

''either, He has opened the door and left it open ;
■{ or, He opened the door, although he ought not
to have done so.

f either, I drove the cattle in and they are still in
the stable ; or,

I drove the cattle in before the proper time or
L against orders,

JDmre nitada means

Uriko-ing aderiacV-Jeoa means

XII -The Perfect Tense.

It is formed by suffixing akan to Intransitive and akad to Transitive
Predicates.

Pronominal Objects stand between the Suffix akad and the Copula.
Indirect Objects are not preceded by a. The elisions described in the
Simple Past take place here too when ing and i stand as Objects : hence
the forms Lel-aM4n-ae, — He has seen me., and Lel-aM4-ae, — He has
seen him or her.

The Perfect Tense directly signifies that an action is completed, and
it implies that the effects or tbe state brought about by that action are
continuing still. In other words, the Perfect Tense points out the
present effects of a past and completed action.

The Mundas adhere strictly to the function of the Perfect as here
defined. This gives rise to certain idiomatic expressions in which
particular Perfect forms are used where we would expect the Indeter-
minate Tense of Humming , I know ; ituancm , thou knowest, etc. —

JEn horo lel-aki iaing, — I know that man; Kaing tel * akad' -koa, — I do
not know them ; JEn hora kaing senakana, — I do not know that road ;
Ama hharom kaing idi daria go kaing hetca-akana ^ — I cannot take your

luggage (load), I am not accustomed to carrying, i.e. t my shoulders are
not hardened by having carried loads ; Bn jo chiulao kaing jomakada,
— I do not know how that fruit tastes (because I have never eaten any
of it).

In the above and similar sentences Mundas use the Perfect Tense of
certain Predicates in order to directly denote the effects or the state
brought about by the actions signified.

Part III.

TENSES.

147

The difference between the Perfect Tense and the Statio Past may
be defined as follows : — ■

The Perfect Tense is the simple statement of an accomplished fact
with the accompanying connotation that the effects of the action are
lasting as a matter of fact. It connotes nothing respecting the intention
or the state of mind of the agent •

The Static Past, on the contrary, connotes or rather primarily
denotes the intention or the state of mind of the agent .

The Perfect is a Tense-forra in the strict sense of the term. The
Static Past, on the contrary, is, so far as ta is concerned, rather a modi-
fication of the Predicate’s meaning.

XIII.— The Indefinite Past.

The Suffix fan is used with some Intransitive Predicates to form a Past
Tense which may in a certain sense be called Indefinite Past . However,
the name is not very accurate, and is used here chiefly for want of a
better one. In the Active "Voice the Past in jan is limited to sen, to go .
nir, to run away ; qpir, to fiy away ; hoka , to cease, to stop. It implies
that the being denoted by the Subject to these Predicates went, ran or
flew away and is not yet returned, or that an action has been stopped
for the moment and has not yet been resumed, though the intention
of resuming it exist.

Example. — Hokajanale da go , — We have, for the present, stopped
carrying water. It differs from the Perfect, inasmuch as that Tense
primarily denotes the definite or permanent absence brought about
by the past acts of going, running or flying away, whereas the Inde-
finite Past does not imply a permanent absence. It simply connotes
that so far the being signified by the Subject has not yet returned.

Ohoria Soma ? Nirjanae , — Where is Soma F He has run away
{«?. gr., for fear of being scolded by you he ran away, just to avoid
meeting you).

Nirakanae, — He is no longer here, i.e., he has run away from this
place definitively and does not seem to intend returning.

In narrations too this Indefinite Tense is generally used, v. gr . —

Enatedo tniu r urajanae aed orate oro inioe senojana , — Then the fox
returned home to his own house and he too (the stork) went home.

The Simple Past in ken is used only in enquiries or statements
concerning a matter of fact, v. gr ,, I told Soma to go to Ranchi. Did
he (really) gof Yes, sir, he did go. jRanchite senme mente Somaing
kajilia . Chi a senkenae ? He , gomke , senkenae. If this question be

148

MUNDAKI GRAMMAR.

answered by mijanae , it would imply that lie did go, and is not
yet back.

Second function.— Jan is suffixed to both Transitive and Intransitive
Predicates to signify that the Subject or Agent went to do a certain
work or began some action, and that he has not yet completed or
discontinued it : hence in English this very peculiar Tense-form must
generally be rendered either by the Past of the Verb to begin or to go>
followed by an Infinitive or a Participal Clause.

Transitive Predicates never insert Pronominal Objects in this
form —

Durcmg-jan-ae, he began to sing ; Rd-jcm-ae, he began to cry. lnung-jan«ae t
lie is gone to play ; simm-jan-ae, he is gone to dance ; sendera-jan-ae, he is gone
hunting ; siiUjan-ae , he is gone to plough. Mad/e ma-jan-a, he is gone to cut
bamboos ; Unicode gupi-jan*a , he is gone to graze the cattle ; Haiko-e sab-jan-a,
he is gone to catch fish.

When j an is suffixed to hoka, to cease, to stop, it implies that a
certain action is discontinued for the moment, though it be not
definitively broken off or given up altogether.

Baru pataule hokajana , — We have (for the moment) stopped water-
ing the trees.

The Perfect Tense, on the contrary, implies the complete giving up
of the action. JVe dam pata-a nadoh hoka-akada , — We have now
stopped watering this tree (because it does no more require it, it has
taken root).

THE IMPERFECT TENSES.

To nearly each of the Tenses described so far there corresponds an
Imperfect Tense. All these Imperfects are formed by adding taeken
(seldom taenken) to the original complete Tense-form, so that the
generic Imperfect Tense-suffix always stands immediately before the
Copula, v.gr.j sentan~ taeken ~ajng , — I was going then. Inungkd-
taeken~aJ'0 9 —They had been playing.

The Imperfect Tense-suffix never affects the position of the inserted
Pronominal Objects. These remain in the positions pointed out above ;
nor does it interfere with any of the elisions described in the Indefinite
Present, the Simple Past, etc. But this Suffix or rather Auxiliary
does affect the position of the Pronominal Subjects. As a general rule
the Mundas place the Pronominal Subjects immediately before taeken —

SenvaH'ing-taekena, seldom : $ ant an * taeken-a-in g 9
Invngled'-ko-taekena, seldom ; inungled f 4aek@n~a~ko .

Part III.

TENSES.

149

Hence in those Tenses which insert the Pronominal Objects after
the Tense-suffix, we have in the corresponding Imperfects two Pro-
nouns standing side by side before the Auxiliary taeken ; the first of
these being a Direct or Indirect Object and th.© second the Pronominal
Subject —

Leljad' -ko-ing -taeken-a, I was seeing them at the time ; Haiko sahled f ko-
le-taefcen- a,—W e had just been catching fish.

With regard to function, it may be said in general that the Auxilia-
ry taeken does not change anything either in the denotation or conno-
tation of the original Tense-forms. All it does with regard to them is
this : it transfers them into the past time, and there assigns to them
in relation to some past fact that particular position in time which the
original Tense-form implies,

XIV.— The Indeterminate Imperfect.

One of the functions of the Indeterminate Tense is to state uni-
versal truths, first principles or axioms. This particular function has
of course no Imperfect.

Another function of the original Tense is to state customs not yet
extinct or habits not given up, etc. This function has an Imperfect
Tense.

Taeken added to the Indeterminate Tense represents as having
existed formerly customs now extinct, habits now given up, occupations
performed regularly at one time, but abandoned now.

Before the English arrived in our country the Mundas were in the
habit of burning wizards and witches alive : Alea disumre Angrajiko
auriko hijiire Mundako najomko jid'jid'ge-ko (Subj.) atar-ko-taekena.
Hen diplio si-ko-taekena f — At that (remote) time too they were plough-
ing, U. 9 they performed the work of cultivators.

In the Active “Voice there is no Imperfect corresponding to any of
the three Future Tenses. The Imperfect form of the Transitive or
Definite Present is commonly used to express the idea that some past
action was on the point of being performed when the main event
narrated took place.

However, when it is desired to insist on the idea of a futurity of
a past action relatively to another, the following circumlocution is
used which renders the difference between th© Simple, the Anterior, and
the Static Future to a nicety. In this circumlocution the original

150

MUNDA-RI GRAMMAR.

Tense-forms occur in Direct-speech form, whereas the Auxiliary taeken
is added to words meaning to intend, to say : —

Ex. — He was on the point of going to Ranchi when his wife fell sick,
becomes I shall go to Ranchi, saying be had intended , but then his wife
fell sick : Ranchiteng sena mente moneakade taekena , entedo kuritae ham -
janae. Here mone is in the Pluperfect, because it means, he had made up
his mind.

He was going to first sow that field and then start for Ranchi when
he got sick, becomes, I shall first sow that field and then go to Ranchi^
saying he had made up his mind, when he got sick : En loeonging herlea
enfe Ranchiteng sena mente moneakade taekena, men do hasujanae, — He
was forbidden by the owner to cut that tree. Notwithstanding he

was about to cut it, when a tiger came and carried him off, becomes

nevertheless I will cut it, saying he had determined ; but then a

tiger, etc. — En darualom maea mente kisanre manalia. Enreo mataeaing
mente moneakade taekena . Entedo hula birete urungjanchie idikia .

XV . —The Intransitive or Definite Present Imperfect.

This performs two distinct functions : —

(1) It implies that the action in question was going on in the past
simulteneously with another past action spoken of or implied
in the same sentence —

Ako dapalken imta enta're sitaning taekena , — I was ploughing there
just at the time they were fighting.

(2) It is also used as Imperfect to the Future instead of the above

circumlocution—

Senoianing taekena , — I was (at that time) on the point of going, or
I was about to go.

XVI. — The Transitive or Indefinite Present Imperfect,

This is limi ted to Transitive Predicates. It performs the function
described under (1) of the Intransitive Present Imperfect. It is
also used as Future Imperfect. Rajad f -ko4ng-taekena may mean I
was just then calling them, or I was just on the point of calling them.

. XVII- Imperfect of the Continnative Present.

Whereas the Imperfects described under XV and XYI exhibit the
action in question as merely simultaneous with some other past action,

Pabt III.

TENSES.

151

this Imperfect denotes that the action having begun before some other
past act or event, continued uninterruptedy whilst that other act
or event took place : Hoiote aind bened ' otangjanchi garare uiujcma ;
aingdo sadoming sabakai-taekem mente kaing sahdairijana , — My pugri
being blown away by the wind fell into the river ; I could not catch
it because at that moment I was (busy) holding the horse.

X YIII. —Imperfect of the Simple Past.

The Intransitive form is hardly used except with sen. SenJcen-ing-
taekena, — I had been going. The Transitive form is generally replaced
byj}he Anterior Past Tense-form with taeken .

XIX. — Imperfect of the Incomplete Past.

This is used with Transitive Predicates to show that a past action
had been left in a state of incompleteness before some other past act
or event.

I asked him whether he had finished cutting those bamboos. He
had been busy cutting , but he had not finished. Nevertheless, he told
me he had finished, — En mad'em machahakeda menteng kulikia. Mado
ma-ken-e-taekena mendo kae chabaakad taekena. Enreo machabaakadaing
mentee kajirurakiha.

XX.-— The Imperfect of the Anterior Past.

This Tense is generally used with both Transitive and Intransitive
Predicates, both with its own particular function as well as in cases
where we would rather expect the Imperfect of the Simple Past —

Inku auri tebare haiko sdb'led' -ko-le-taekena 9 — We had been catching
fish before they arrived.

XXI.— The Imperfect of the Static Past.

This is used with both the meanings explained under HI with that
modification of time which the Auxiliary taeken denotes.

Aputee ruarimta uriko adertad'-ko-e taekena , — He had just driven
in the cattle for the night (i.e. 9 permanently) when his father arrived,
or he had just driven in the cattle (against orders or before the proper
time) when his father arrived.

t:

152

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

XXII.— Pluperfect or Imperfect corresponding to the
Perfect Tense.

This is used both with its own function as well as a substitute for
an Imperfect corresponding to the Past Tense in jan.

Susmjanae , — He went to dance and is not yet back. The Imperfect
is, Busunte senakane- iaeken~a % never susun-jan-e-taekena.

PASSIVE VOICE.

This Voice has a double formation. In the Indeterminate Tense , the
Future and the Definite Present it is formed by affixing 6 to the bare
root-form. The Imperative Mood forms its Passive in the same manner,
because this Mood-form is only the bare root plus a Personal Pronominal
Affix, v. gr., lel-mej look thou ! lel-pe ! look you ! lel-ben ! look you two !
The Passive Affix 6 therefore stands between the root and the Pronom-
inal Affix: thus dal, to beat; dal-o'-me ! be beaten; dal-o’-len ! be
beaten both of you !

In all the other Tenses the Passive is formed by affixing the Intransi-
tive Tense-suffixes to Transitive Predicates.

Thus whilst lelJed-aing means I first saw it ; lelden-aing means I
was first seen .

Remark l.~ In the third Person Singular of the Indeterminate and the Future Tense the
check (') is generally transferred from the Passive Affix 6 to the Copula a, v. gr., aium, to
hear ; aiwmC, to he heard. Nere han gara aiumod ,— Yonder river is always heard from here.
Bajai, to punish ; sajaU , to he punished ; sajaiode—he will be punished.

The same rule is followed of course whenever the Pronominal Subjects are suffixed to a
word preceding the Predicate, v.gr., Gapa-ing sajaiod, — I shall be punished to-morrow ; gapa-m
sajaiod, —* thou wilt be punished to-morrow.

Remark 2.— Monosyllables ending with checked vmvels always insert a g before the
Affix 6, v.gr., dd s water ; da-g-o, to become liquid or to turn into water ; re, to rob ; re-g-6,
to be robbed. Dissyllabic words containing no consonants and ending with a checked vowel
also insert a g before the Passive Affix, v. gr., uiu , to drop, to let fall ; uiu-g-6, to fall.

Dissyllabic words containing a consonant and ending with a checked vowel sometimes
insert this g and sometimes they do not, v. gr. , toroe, ashes ; tcroeo or toroe-g-6 , to be reduced
to ashes ; lebS, soft ; lebco or lebe-g-6, to become soft ; pere, to fill ; pereo or pere-g-6, to be
filled up, to become full.

The checks of all final vowels disappear before the Passive o even in those cases in which
the check of 6 is transferred to the Copula a.

Remark 3.— The Affix 6 changes very frequently, not to say generally, into £ when
preceded by u This is according to the law of harmony of vowels—

Raji, to say ; Kaji-w-A, it is said (generally) or it will be said.

PABT III,

153

PASSIVE VOICE.

The Future Tense, which has no corresponding Imperfect in the
Active Voice, has an Imperfect in the Passive Voice—

Dalo taeken-cie, — He was on the point of being beaten when such
or such an event occurred.

This Imperfect is even substituted for the Definite Present Imperfect*

The Static Future and the Static Past are wanting in the Passive.

The Anterior Future too is wanting. It may be replaced by the
construction with sidate given under IV (pages 137 and 138).

The Incomplete Past in ken being essentially an Active form is
wanting.

The Suffix jin is used in the Passive to form the Simple Past Tense
as well as an Indefinite Past.

The Passive of the Indeterminate Tense is frequently used to denote
feasibility or For the purpose of this function Intransitive

Predicates too take the Affix 6 in the Indeterminate Tense, v. gr n Ne jo
jom-6-a, — This fruit can be eaten or is eatable ; jNere lea nir-o-a , — It is not
possible to run here ; En koiore , sen~o -d,— It is possible to walk on that
branch; Totrauie ka durum- o-a , — It is impossible to sleep on account of
the uproar.

I do not believe the Passive Affix 6 to be a debris of a formerly
complete root. If, however, it be such a debris , it will hardly be
possible to form even a reasonable conjecture concerning the original
form and meaning of that root until the Kholarian dialects of India
can be traced to a wider group with which they have some more
striking resemblances than those which have so far been discovered.

b 20

154

M UN DARI GRAMMAR.

If, on the other hand, 6 be a complete root, then the only explana-
tion presenting itself to me is the following :

As has already been shown, a means both to be and to become
But the idea of becoming , besides implying futurity, does also imply the
idea of being acted ujpon 9 i.e. 9 the idea of passivity; for the mind, as
a matter of fact, does not conceive ineipiency or effect without, at least
implicitly, referring the effect or that which begins to a came distinct
from the effect : hence this a (to become) may, with as much reason, be
used to signify the idea of being acted upon or the notion of passivity
as it is to signify futurity. Suppose, now, that a be actually used for
the purpose of denoting that particular nuance implied in the idea of
becoming , we would, in the Indeterminate Tense, get this a twice immedi-
ately after the bare root: thus dal-d-a-ing ; liter ally , Strike become
being I, or more freely a becoming struck being I, i.e Becoming or
getting struck am I. Now in such a case it would appear natural that
a vowel change should have been adopted to signify the implied nuance
of passivity, and that the d-form should have been kept for the purpose
of signifying futurity and that of link-word.

If this supposition he correct, it allows of the following statement :
The Passive Affix 6 is hut an alternative form of d, to become , which has
assumed as its primary meaning that particular nuance of the original
concept which implies the correlation between cause and effect. Its
precise function, therefore, consists in exhibiting the Subject of the
proposition as being acted upon by a cause distinct from itself.

Mundari is not the only language which uses the idea of becoming
as a functional exponent of both futurity and passivity: thus, v.gr.,
German, when forced to replace worn-out formative elements by com-
plete Auxiliaries, instinctively turned to the Yerb werclen , to become ,
for the same purposes. Ich werde schlagen 9 —I will or shall strike;
literally means I become to strike. Ich werde geschlagen 9 I am being
beaten ; literally means I become struck. In the Future of the Passive
the same auxiliary occurs in both functions : Ich word? geschiagen iverden,
I shall be beaten ; literally , I become becoming beaten. English
auxiliaries too present a striking instance of that instinctive tendency
which uses nuances or, if I inay say so, side-ideas implied in a concept,
for special functional or formative purposes. To quote but one : To
will denotes self-determination ; but this implies the origin or the
beginning of a new self-modification. It is therefore genetically the
■'same- idea as that implied by to become. As such, it necessarily implies

Part III* reflexive voice. 165

futurity. It is no doubt on account of this implied futurity that tho
Yerb to will has been chosen as an Auxiliary for the Future Tense .

REFLEXIVE VOICE.

By Reflexive Voice we understand that form of a Transitive Predicate
which implies that the action denoted by the Predicate falls back on the
agent himself, or that the Subject of the proposition represents both the
agent and the terminus of the action.

It is formed by affixing n to the root or predicative element. Roots
ending with a consonant insert a euphonic e, o, i or u before the n.
The choice of the vowel is determined by the law of harmony. Ex . —
Dal, to strike; dal-e-n 9 to strike oneself ; Ur, to skin; ur-i-n, to shed
one’s skin ; Ringko urina 9 snakes throw their skin.

The Reflexive n is affixed to the root only in the Indeterminate Tense ,
the Simple Future , the Definite Present , and the Indefinite Past in fan and
in the corresponding Imperfects. In all the other Tenses the Intransitive
Tense-suffixes in n are used for the Reflexive as well as for the Passive
Voice.

The Mundari Reflexive Voice is not limited to the cases in which
we would use a Transitive Predicate with a Reflexive Pronoun as Direct
Object. This is mainly due to the fact that Mundas may us© any and
every root with a Transitive function. This obliges them in certain
cases to have recourse to the Reflexive Voice where we use ready-made
Intransitive Verbs. V. gr. — Dasi 9 a servant ; dasm 9 to serve [literally , to
make a servant of oneself). In other cases too, where we have
Intransitive Verbs, they have recourse to the Reflexive Voice, v. gr. 9
to feign , to pretend , is in Mundari rendered by the Reflexive form
of bai 9 to make. He pretends to be ill, — Hasu baintanae As will be
seen from the two examples just quoted, the Reflexive form is not always
purely Reflexive in meaning according to our ideas. We would expect
dasin to mean to serve one’s self to ad as one’s own servant in certain cases .
Again, a beginner is liable to translate hasubain by to make one’s self
really sick. In other cases the Reflexive form is used where the agent
is, according to our way of thinking, the Indirect Object, v. gr, 9 dul>
to pour; diilen, to pour on or over one’s self; uiu\ to throw; uiun 9 to
throw (a cloth) over one’s self, i.e. 9 to cover one’s whole body with a
big cloth which is thrown over the shoulders. A correct and idiomatic

156

MONDARI GRAMMAR.

use of the Reflexive form can be learnt only through intercourse
with the people.

I am inclined to think that the Reflexive Affix n is simply the
Demonstrative me, this (see Chapter I, page 10, Note 1) for the
following reason: —

According to the rules regulating the insertion into the Predicate of
Direct Objects denoting living beings, we should expect the following
forms, v. gr. —

Pr.roofc. D. 0. Pr. Tense. C. S.

Dal- ing_-tan-a- i»g, I strike me (myself).

Dal- me - tan - a ■ m, Thou strikes! thee (thyself).

Dal- i -tan - a - e, He (she) strikes himself.

Dal-lang - tan - a - lang, Thou and I strike thee and me.

Dal-Ung • tan - a - ling, He and I strike him and me.

Dal- ben -tan- a - ben, You two strike yourselves.

Now it will be remarked that the form dal-i-tan-a-e , — he strikes him,
is ambiguous, because it does not appear from the form alone whether
the Pronoun i, which stands here as Inserted Direct Object, denotes the
same individual which is denoted by the Subjeot e (the weak form
of z) or whether it denotes some third person different from the
Subject.

The same ambiguity exists in the forms dai-king-tan-a-Mng, dalltu -
tan-a-ko. Again, in the Inclusive Dual dal-lany-tan-a-lang,— thou and I
strike thee and me, it does not appear from the form whether I strike
myself and the included second person strikes himself, or whether we
strike each other mutually. A similar ambiguity exists for the Exclu-
sive Dual as well as for the Inclusive and Exclusive Plural of the first

Person.

But if, instead of the Direct Objects l, king, he, lang, ling, etc., the
Definite Demonstrative ne, this, he inserted as Direct Object, then this
Demonstrative could readily be understood as referring to or pointing
out the Pronominal Subjects i, king, ho, lang, fo, etc., for the purpose
of thus identifying the Direct Object with the Subject.

The meaning of the Demonstrative n could then be translated into
that same he, those same two, those same ones, etc. —

Dal-en-tan-a-e , — He strikes that same he, i.e , himself.

D al- king 4 an- asking ,
Dal -bit - tan-a-bu .
Dal-le - tan-a-le .

Dal-joe -tan-a-pe*
Dal~Jco -tan-a-ko*

Part III.

RECIPROCAL VOICE.

157

The Inserted Demonstrative thus interpreted would remove all am-
biguity and at the same time set the forms claUi-tanae , dal-king-ianaking ,
dal-kG-tanako , etc., free to signify Subjects and Direct Objects distinct
from each other. And in fact these forms are in constant use, but the
Direct Objects i, king , Zro are understood to denote third persons different
from those denoted by the Subjects £, Icing, ko in the same compounds.
Dal-i-Um-ae means He or she strikes some other third person.

If the explanation here given as to the manner in which the am-
biguity mentioned has been removed be admissible, it is easily understood
how, for the sake of uniformity, the Demonstrative n should have come
to be inserted as Direct Object also in the few cases in which there
would be no ambiguity if the Personal Pronoun were inserted as
Direct Object. This, then, would allow the following statement. The
Definite Demonstrative n is inserted as Direct Object into Transitive
Predicates whenever it is required to point out that the agent and
the sufferer of an action are identical. This insertion yields the Reflex-
ive Voice.

RECIPROCAL VOICE.

By the Reciprocal Voice w r e understand that form of a Transitive
Predicate which implies that the action denoted by that Predicate is
reciprocal between two individuals or two sets of individuals. In other
words, the Reciprocal Yoice implies that the individuals denoted by the
Subject of the Proposition reciprocate the same action on each other.

The [Reciprocal Yoice is formed by inserting the consonant p after
the first vowel of a Transitive root, then repeating that vowel and
adding to it the remaining part of the root—

om t to give ; o-p-om, to give to each other ; net, to see ; ne-p-d } to see eacli other.
dal 3 to strik e ; da-Pjal, to strike each other ; re, to rob ; re-p-e, to rob each other,

Jcaji) to say ; Jca-jP-aji, to converse with each erang, to scold ; e-p-erang, to quarrel,
other ;

md, to cut; map’d 9 to fight with axes, swords or knives.

The Reciprocal Voice has of course only the Dual and the Plural
Numbers.

Note.— -T he Pronoun pe or ape if used transitively means to call some people you or to
'you” some one’s, i t e. 3 to put some people into the relation of second persons w ith regard to
the speaker.

P^gMay it not be that pe you, is, with a transitive function inserted into the root of Predicates
for the purpose of signifying that the agents (ve.y the Dual or Plural Subjects to such Predi-
cates; put themselves with regard to each other into the relation of Second Persons, not indeed
as speakers and parties addressed, but as agents and reagents, as reciprocating on each other
the action denoted by he Predicates into which pe is inserted in the shape of the consonant p

158

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

The idiomatic use of the Reciprocal Voice presents even greater
difficulties than that of the Reflexive Voice.

Functionally it may be divided into the Direct Reciprocal, and the
Indirect Reciprocal.

The Direct Reciprocal implies that the agents and reagents denoted
by the Subject are at the same time the Direct Objects of the action
signified by the Predicate, v.g., these two always greet each other, —
N iking jo-jp-oaraking.

The Indirect Reciprocal implies that the Direct Object of the Predicate
is some living being or inanimate object distinct from the persons or
animals denoted by the Subject,^., generally something owned by them.
The persons or animals denoted by the Subject are Indirect Objects of the
action signified by the Predicate, v. gr ., They show their bows and
arrows to each other. In the war dance they strike (at) each other’s
swords. Hence sentences in which the Predicate is an Indirect Reciprocal
contain a Noun or Pronoun denoting the Direct Object, whereas those in
which the Predicate is a Direct Reciprocal do not contain such a Noun or
Pronoun, v. gr ., Direct Reciprocal— Ta-p-amf auditing , — the two hit each
other. Indirect Reciprocal— Tarauri-Mng ta-p-amtam, - They strike (at)
each other’s swords.

Inasmuch as neither of the agents and reagents is the terminus or
sufferer of the action, the Indirect Reciprocal participates of the nature of
the Active Voice : hence it is quite natural that in the Past Tenses the
Transitive Tense-affixes ending in d must be used and not the Intransitive
or Passive Affixes ending, in ?*,viz., kediox the Simple Past, led for the
Anterior Past, tad for the Static Past, and akad for the Perfect and the
Continuative Present.

From the Active nature of the Indirect Reciprocal it also follows that
Pronominal Objects should be inserted into this Reciprocal form
whenever the Direct Object denotes living beings, v. gr

They show their hawks to each other ,— LampiUng u-p-iidub-jad*
king- asking.

In a word, the Indirect Reciprocal is in every respect treated like a
Simple Transitive Predicate of the Active Voice regarding Mood and
Tense-suffixes.

The Direct Reciprocal, on the contrary, is treated as a Transitive
Predicate of the Passive Voice, because in this form the Subjects of the
proposition are at the same time the sufferers or termini of the action
denoted by the Predicate. However, the Passive Affix 6 is not used

Pakt III.

BECIPKOCAL VOICE.

159

because the Infix p is supposed to perform at the same time the func-
tion of that Passive Affix. Hence —

(1) In the Anterior Future the Tense-suffix ko must be used in-
stead of le, v* gr,, iipi-ko-alang, — Let us first shake hands ; never tipi-
le-alang*

(2) The Indefinite Present in jad is always replaced by the Definite
Present in tan : eperang -tan-alto, — They scold each other; never
eperang-yV/i-ako.

(3) The Past Tenses take the Tense-suffixes ending in n, viz., Icon,
len, jan, and a Jean,

The very same word may be used as Direct and as Indirect Recip-
rocal —

Ti, hand ; tipi, to take each other’s hand, i.e., to shake hands ; and tipi , to
take up or to handle each other’s property, v gr ., a bow.

Nel, to see ; nepel, to see each other, to look at each other ; and nepel, to look
at each other’s property, or to show (i.e., let see) each other’s property to one
another.

TJHihV, to show and to denounce; upudub', to denounce each other; and
upudub , to show each other’s property one to another.

The words to steal, to rob, to give, to help, and their synonyms are
treated as Direct Reciprocals, even when in English a distinct Direct or
Indirect Object is expressed in the sentence, v, gr., They robbed each
other of their rice. — Babako rep6-ken-a. They helped each other with
money, — Takako depenga-ken-a, — They gave presents to each other, —
Enemko opom- ken- a ,

The following table shows the Tense-suffixes of the Direct and the
Indirect Reciprocals respectively : —

Direct Reciprocal \

In deter, 1 1 — NepeLaJeo,-— r lh.ej habitual-
ly see each other.

Simple Rut. — Nepel-aJco ,~~- They will see
each other.

Anter, Fut, — Nepel- fc6»ako, -~Tkey will
first see each other.

Indirect Reciprocal ,

dsar-lco nepel-e-a,-—Thej are in the habit
of showing their bows and arrows to
each other.

Asar-lco nepel-e-a,— They will show their
bows and arrows to each other.

Asar-ko 7iepel-le-a 9 ~-Th.ey will first show
their bows and arrows to each other.

158

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

The idiomatic use of the Reciprocal Yoice presents even greater
difficulties than that of the Reflexive Yoice.

Functionally it may be divided into the Direct Reciprocal, and the
Indirect Reciprocal.

The Direct Reciprocal implies that the agents and reagents denoted
by the Subject are at the same time the Direct Objects of the action
signified by the Predicate, v.g., these two always greet each other, —
Hiking jo-jj-oaraking.

The Indirect Reciprocal implies that the Direct Object of the Predicate
is some living being or inanimate object distinct from the persons or
animals denoted by the Subject, i.e., generally something owned by them.
The persons or animals denoted by the Subject are Indirect Objects of the
action signified by the Predicate, v. gr., They show their bows and
arrows to eaolj. other. In the war dance they strike (at) each other’s
swords. Hence sentences in which the Predicate is an Indirect Reciprocal
contain a Noun or Pronoun denoting the Direct Object, whereas those in
which the Predicate is a Direct Reciprocal do not contain suoh a Noun or
Pronoun, v. gr., Direct Reciprocal— Ta-p-amtanaking , — the two hit each
other. Indirect Reciprocal —Tarauri-Mng ta-p-amtema, ~ They strike (at)
each other’s swords.

Inasmuch as neither of the agents and reagents is the terminus or
sufferer of the action, the Indirect Reciprocal participates of the nature of
the Active Voice : hence it is quite natural that iu the Past Tenses the
Transitive Tense-affixes ending in d must be used and not the Intransitive
or Passive Affixes ending, in ?>,viz., Iced for the Simple Past, led for the
Anterior Past, tad for the Static Past, and akad for the Perfect and the
Oontinuative Present.

From the Active nature of the Indirect Reciprocal it also follows that
Pronominal Objects should be inserted into this Reciprocal form
whenever the Direct Object denotes living beings, v. gr.—

They show their hawks to each other ,—Lampildng u-p-udub-jad'
kjng-a-king.

In a word, the Indirect Reciprocal is in every respect treated like a
Simple Transitive Predicate of the Active Voice regarding Mood and
Tense-suffixes.

The Direct Reciprocal, on the contrary, is treated as a Transitive
Predicate of the Passive Voice, because in this form the Subjects of the
proposition are at the same time the sufferers or termini of the action
denoted by the Predicate. However, the Passive Affix o is not used

Part III.

RECIPROCAL VOICE.

159

because the Infix p is supposed to perforin at the same time the func-
tion of that Passive Affix. Hence —

(1) In the Anterior Future the Tense-suffix ko must be used in-
stead of le, v, gr tipi-ko-alang , — Let us first shake hands ; never tipi-
le-alang*

(2) The Indefinite Present i mjad is always replaced by the Definite
Present in tan : epermig-ian-alio , — They scold each other; never
eperang-jh<tf-ako.

(3) The Past Tenses take the Tense-suffixes ending in n, viz., ken,
len, jan, and akan.

The very same word may be used as Direct and as Indirect Recip-
rocal —

T% hand ; tipi, to take each other 5 s hand, i.e ,, to shake hands ; and tipi, to
take up or to handle each other’s property, v. gr a bow.

JSfel, to see ; nepel , to see each other, to look at each other ; and nepel , to look
at each other’s property, or to show (i.e. 9 let see) each other’s property to one
another.

Udub to show and to denounce; upudub', to denounce each other; and
npudub , to show each other’s property one to another.

The words to steal , to rob, to give, to help, and their synonyms are
treated as Direct Reciprocals, even when in English a distinct Direct or
Indirect Object is expressed in the sentence, v. gr They robbed each
other of their rice . — Babako repe-ken-a,. They helped each other with
money , — Takako depenga-km~a , — They gave presents to each other,—
JEnemko oponyken-a .

The following table shows the Tense-suffixes of the Direct and the
Indirect Reciprocals respectively : —

Direct Reciprocal*

Bidder. T. — Nepel-ako, — They habitual-
ly see each other.

Simple Fut*~~-Nepel-a7co } ~~ They will see
each other.

Anter, Fut.—JSfep el - ko«.a &o,—Th ey will
first see each other.

Indirect Reciprocal.

dsar-ko nepel They are in the habit
of showing their bows and arrows to
each other.

Asar-ko nepele-a ,— They will show their
bows and arrows to each other.

A'sarJco nepelA_e-a 9 ~-Th.ey will first show
their bows and arrows to each other.

160

MUNDAHI GRAMMAR®

Direct Reciprocal— conoid. Indirect Reciprocal— conoid.

Be fin. Pres. — Mepel- tan-aho, — They are AsarJco mpel-tan-a, — They are now-
seeing each other. looking at each other’s bows and ar-

rows.

Indef. Pres.— Not used. AsarJco nepel-jad-a ,— They look at each

other’s bows and arrows.

Contin. Present. — Mepel aJcan - a-ho 9 — AsarJco nepel- aJead- a, — They keep look-

They keep looking at ing at each other’s bows and arrows,
each other.

Simple Past. — Rep el-hen -gko,— They saw AsarJco nepel- ked -a,— They looked at
each other. each other’s bows and arrows.

Anter. Past— Nep>eMen-aJco,~ They first AsarJco nepeMed-a—'T’koy first saw
saw each other. each other’s bows and arrows.

Perfect. — Mepe taJcan aJco, —They have AsarJco nepel- aJcad -a i -~~T)iey have looked
seen each other. at each other’s hows and arrows.

Indef. Past . — Not used. AsarJco nepel-jan-a^Thoy have seen

each other’s ho ws and arrows.

Intent Past. — Mep e tj an - a Jco, —They AsarJco ncpel-jan-a , — They are gone to

are gone to see each other. look at each other’s hows and arrows.

When two words concur to form a Compound Predicate, the Kecip,
rocal p is generally infixed in both words.

Jr, to reap ; re, to rob : hence ir-re means to rob some one by
cutting his harvest : hence i-p-ir-re-p-etanaldng , — The two are robbing
each other by cutting each other’s harvest.

Mir, to run, clarom, against or towards : hence nir-darom, to run
against or to run towards : hence m-p-ir-da p*aromkenaking , — They ran
or rushed against each other.

Ear, to drive, to run after ; nir, to run : hence Ea-p-arm-p-ir, to play
a game in which one must try to catch or overtake another who runs.

The insertion of the p may, however, be confined to the principal
word, v. gr., nirda-p-arom.

TENSES®

The following table shows all the Tense-suffixes as they occur through the four Voices®

Those marked * have no Imperfects. The Indirect Reciprocal forms contain ko as Direct Object.

l.—Indtterm. Tent*

ACT,

; Intransitive.

R. T. 0. S.

sen- ... , ■ ti* . « ....

IV E VOICE.

Transitive.

R. T. 0. C. S.

( Id- ... ho* a* t (1. b.) ...

1 Id- ... e- a- e (i. o.) ...

PASSIVE VOICE .

r. y. t. a s.

j* Id- o- ... a- e ...

REFLEXIVE VOICE .

: . ..

R, V. T. a s.

Id- en- ... a- « ...

RECIPROCAL VOICE.

r! Y. 2 T. 0. C. S.

(k- p- cl* ... ... a* king ... (Direct.)

] le- j>- el- ... ko- a- Mug ... (1. h.) 1 (Indiraot .j

Ik- p* d- ... e- a- ling ... (i» o.) ) v

JI»*~~Simpk Future ... . ...

sen- a- e ...

/ Ul- ... ho* a- e (1. b.) ...

\ Id- ... e- a- e (i. o.) ...

j* Id- 6- ... a* e ...

Id- en- ... a- e ...

(k- p. d* ... hing ... (Direct.)

\k* P" d- ... ho- a- hing ... (1. b.) ) /TndirActh

lie* r el- ... «- hing ... (h o.) jC^direet).

Ill-Static Future

Wanting

tol* ta* ho- a- e

Wanting

Wanting

/Wanting (Direct.)

\to- p- ol- ta* ho- a* hing ... (Indirect.)

IV.— Anterior Future

(sen- k- a - iwy ...

tscft.* ct« m# ...

\

i wef- le- ho- a- t

r

l

Wanting

... \(le- p- el- Id- ... a- king ... (Direct.)

tui- ... ko- a- C ... Jfe. el- le- lo- a- king ... (1. b.) 1 .... 0

\ld- ... len- a- e ... ^ d . u . ... a . king ... (j. 0 .) ) (Indirect).

V**— Present ... ... ... ... ;

sen- tan * a- «

j lei* jad* ho- a- e (1. b.) ...

\ lei- jad - ... a • e (i. o.) ...

j- lei- 6* tan* a- e ...

lei- en * tan- a- c ...

i le - j> el* tan * J..* a* hing ... (Direct.)

3 le- p- cl- jad'- ko- a- king ... (1. b.) ) (Ind ; reot)

(le- p- el* jad ... a* Icing ... (i» o.) J v ;

VL— Definite Present ...

Wanting

(0. T.)

(lei*- ho- tan - a* e

\kl- ... tan * a- e

| Wanting

Wanting...

C Wanting (Direct.)

) (0. T.)

1 le- p- el- ho- tan* a* hing ... (1. b.) \ v

Lie- p- el- ... tan- a- hing ... (i. o.) / <* ndirec *‘>

Vll. — Continuative Present

#e»- ahad'ge- a- e

( Id- ahad'- hoge* a* e (1. b.) ...
{lei- ahad'ge ... a- c (i. o.) ...

| Id- 6* tangc - a- e ...

■

Id- en - tange - a* e ... .

( (T. 0).

< le- p- d- ahad'gc - ... a* hing ... (Direct.)

[le* p- d* ah id'- hoge - a- hing ... (Indirect.)

VI1L— Simple Past ... ... ...

hen* a- & ...

Jlel* hed f - ho- a- e (1. b.) ...

\ici- hed ... a- e (i. o.) ...

Id- ... ten- a- e ...
Id- ... jan* a • e ...

Id- ... hen- a- a ... 1

W- ... a- e ...

_

le- p- el- len * ... a* hing ... \ .

i le - p- el- jan - ... a- hing ... / (Direct.)

le- p- el- hed'- ho- a- hing (Indirect.)

IX — Incomplete Past

iol * hen- ... a- e , — He was

busy tying, but has not finished.

Wanting

Wanting

Wanting.

X— Static Past ... «•»

Wanting

iol* tad'- ho- a* e

Wanting

Wanting ...

1 Wanting ... ... (Direct.)

\to- p- ol - lad'- ho- a- Jdng ... (Indirect.)

JL— Anterior Past

5671- a- 6

lei- led r * ho* a- e •••

i ■

Id- ... len- a* e

Id- ... len- a- e

C le - p- el- len- ... a* hing ... (Direct.)

{ le- p- d- led'- ho- a* hing ... (Indirect.)

imtng-jan* a - e, — he

went to play.

lei- jan - ... a- e, -he went

to see.

(Adv. Stiff. T.)

Id-o- in* jan a ,»«f

I

(Adv. S. T. C.)

Id- en- t%- jan- a ...

/ le- p- el- jan* ... a* hing t -~ (Direct.)

J they went to see each other.

) Subj.

\le- p* el* le* hing* jan a* ... ... (Indirect.)

mi^Perfect

sew- a- e

let* ahad'* ho- a* e

Id* ... §Jcan* a * e ...

mam

( le - j S3- el- ahaii - ... a* hing ... (Direct.)

( le* p- el- ahad'* ho * a- hing ... (Indirect.)

m

MTJNDARI GRAMMAR.

Origin and meaning of the Tense-suffixes.

Tan seems to be a compound of the Static Suffix ta and the Demon*
strative ne. The Static ia is identical with the root of the Postposition
id (see pages 3 4 and 35). This ta presupposes concrete existence which
in Mhndari is signified by mend . To judge from its meaning as a Post-
position and as Static Suffix, ta would seem to primarily and directly
denote continuance , duration , permanency, just as efe, signifies beginning
and chaba, completion . According to the genius of t he language it may be
used with a Transitive or Intransitive functio n, and then mean either
to last, to continue (Intransitive) or to render permanent (Transitive)
just as eU may mean to commence, to begin , and as chaba may mean to
finish or to complete (Transitive and Intransitive) .

This, like other roots, may be added to a primary root for the
purpose of modifying its original meaning, thus —

EtK to begin ; tol-et£, to begin to tie ; chaba , to finish ; tol-chaba 5
to complete the act of tying ; ta, to render permanent ; toUta, to render
permanent the state brought about by the act of tying (first of the
meanings explained above on page 132) or to persist in the intention
of tying (second meaning). The duration or continuance denoted by
ta is in no way specified. It is an indefinite one : hence the peculiar
meaning of the Static forms. If now it be desired to specify this
duration so as to refer or limit it to the present tamp only, the Demon-
strative ne would naturally be used for that purpose ; for specification
and limitation is the primary function of this Demonstrative : hence
the Compound Suffix ta-n would directly denote aj duration limited to
the present time. It would in fact mean to be- busy with something
now, so that toUtan-aing would literally denote 1 a present tying and
mean I am busy tying now. This is precisely the meaning of the
Definite Present:. %

The fact that- ta In the Static forms points nol to the action itself as
lasting, bn to its effects, whereas tan directly denotes the present
duration of me action itself \ piesents no difficulty. For indefinite
duration, such as is signified liy ia, cannot as a rale be predicated of
actions them, stives. These can last indefinitely only in their effects.

If ta really mean to continue, t o last, as is here supposed, then its
Beflexive form would be tci-en and mean to make or cause oneself to
continue indefinitely, i.e., to remain; but it so happens that the Mundari
equivalent of the Verb to remain is precisely the word iaen or tain.
This no doubt supports the views just exposed concerning the meaning

Part III. origin and meaning of tense-suffixes* 163

of the Static fa and the composition of tan. The generic Imperfect
Suffix taeken is but a contraction of the Simple Past of taen, viz*,
tmnken . This form is sometimes used instead of the contracted form*

Ta and ka seem to he but two different forms of the same original
root. At any rate they are perfect equivalents of each other as appears
from the following facts. The Mundari and Sonthali dialects differ
but slightly from each other. Now (1) the Sonthals use ka where the
Mundas use ta to denote permanency of the effects of an action. (2)
The Sonthals use kan, as Copula in Substantive propositions and as
Definite or Intransitive Present Tense-suffix where the Mundas use tan,
(3) In both dialects akan (akad) are used as Perfect and as Oontinuative
Present Suffixes : hence whereas the Sonthals use ka, kan , akan for both
the Present and the Perfect, the Mundas have reserved ta and tan for
the Present.

Ken is plainly but .a weak form of kan. In both dialects ken is
used as a Simple Past Suffix. This is another striking instance of
vowel-change being used for obtaining a change of meaning.

Akan, — The explanation of this as a Oontinuative Present and
Perfect Tense-suffix presents some difficulty. I am inclined to think
that the initial a of akan is not really a part of the Tense-suffix as such ;
in other words, that this d does not directly belong as a specification to
the Suffix kan, but rather to the root of the Predicate. If so, kan alone
would be the Tense-suffix, and this Suffix is added, not to the bare root,
but to the root plus a.

Strictly speaking, the Perfect Tense falls under the category of Present
Tenses, inasmuch as it directly denotes a present state brought about
by a completed or accomplished action. So far, then, the Present Tense-
suffix kan remains within its proper function in the Perfect Tense ; but
by itself alone it does in no way express that other connotation of this
Tense, which consists in representing the action as an accomplished fact.
This, I believe, is done by a being suffixed as a specification to the root.
A root or word conceived then and there as an Adjective is transformed
into a Noun by the Affix a, v,gr., pmdi, white ; pundid, something
white. Similarly, a transforms into Nouns certain roots conceived then

b 21

1U

MUNDARI GRAMMAR,

and there transitively or intransitively: Jom , to eat; jomed, that which,
can be eaten or that which is ready to be eaten, i.e., eatables.

Now, may it not be supposed that a is similarity suffixed tc roots
conceived first transitively or intransitively for the purpose of changing
them into Nouns denoting the action in question substantively so as
to represent them as complete? Thus high, to come; Mjiia, the coming
or the arrival; sen, to go; sma, the going or the having gone, i.e., the
absence . The compound thus obtained can be made to resume its
Transitive or Intransitive function by being referred to a Subject by
means of the Copula a .

If to this new Predicate the Present Tense-suffix Jean he suffixed, the
Copula a refers the completed action to a subject as a present state —
Hiju4an-ae literally means eoming-now-is-he ; Hijua-kan»a-& means
Having-come-now-is-he.

. If this be so, we should say that in the Mundari Perfect the action
itself is denoted by the bare root of the Predicate, v. gr.> hijii ; the state
brought about by the action is denoted by a, inasmuch as it transforms
the root into a Noun denoting a state hiju-a; the present duration of
that state is denoted by the Suffix kan .

Ked and a-lcad . — J ust as the consonant n in ken represents a
distinct Demonstrative root, so does the d of ked and a-kad represent a
distinct original root. But here the question arises — Is this root the
same as the one represented by n, or is it both with regard to its
original meaning and form a different root? That Mundari should
have two differently ending Suffixes for Transitive and Intransitive
Predicates is in itself evry remarkable. Transitiveness and Intransi-
tiveness are not so much objective qualities of actions as subjec-
tive modes of conceiving actions. Even such actions as pro- suppose &
terminus distinct from the agent may be conceived exclusively in their
relation to the agent , ue. 9 as Intransitive. Now these subjective modes
of conceiving actions are not in other languages expressed by special
distinct formative elements ad hoc . It would therefore be very extra*
ordinary if the Mundas had recourse to a special root for the purpose
of directly denoting transitiveness, if, in a word, the consonant $ rep-
resented an original root which would both in form and meaning
differ from n. The consonant d must, I think, be considered as $
mere alternative for the consonant n, and the substitution of d for n has
been caused solely by phonetic exigencies. If the Mundas did not

Part III. origin and meaning of tense-suffixes. 165

insert Pronominal Objects after these Suffixes, hen and a-kan would no
doubt be used with Transitive as well as with Intransitive Predicates.
The forms lei -ken-in- ae, lel~ken~me~ae 9 lel-ken-i-ae, lel-ken-lang-ae are
rather heavy. Hence the substitution of the denial d for the dental n
has been made for the purpose of obtaining the lighter forms lel-ked*
in~ae, lel-hed' -me-ae, etc. The check on d, which is used before conson-
ants, renders this consonant still more similar to the n it replaces.

Len, led , and tad are evidently only contractions of le-ken, le-ked,
and ta-hed.

Lo, as stated in the Chapter on Postpositions, denotes simultaneity
in time and conoomitancy in spaoe.

Le, as appears from the function it performs in the Anterior Future
and the Anterior Past, denotes priority, Le., a comparative or relative
past. Both 16 and le therefore denote relations of time. May not, then,
U and le be but different modulations of one and the same root, the
difference of meaning being brought about by the change in the root-
vowel, just as an analogous change of meaning has been caused by the
vowel change in ban and hen ?

La denotes excess in extent, in duration , and in intensity. It is used
as a Pronoun, as an Adverb, and as a Transitive and Intransitive predi-
cate. Enate Uge, more than that, further than that ; gel sirmaete lage,
longer than ten years ago, or longer than for ten years to come ; Id*
kedae, he exceeded the distance, he exceeded the time. If Id, 16 and le
be in reality but different modulations of the same root, they constitute
an interesting example of changes in meaning being caused by mere
vowel changes.

Tan is the Transitive equivalent of the Suffix Jan.

The variations yan, yad, and nad are used in certain districts
instead oijan and jad.

I am unable to offer even a plausible conjecture concerning the real
nature and original meaning of this Suffix.

Le and ia, as stated above, cannot be called Tense-suffixes in the
strict sense of the word. We may therefore say that, with the excep-
tion of Jan and jad, all the Mundari Tense-suffixes are but variations of
the roots ia and m .

166

MTJNDABI GSAMMAS.

Imperative Mood.

This Mood, like the Indicative, has no special Affix.

The Personal Pronouns of the Second Person -Singular, Dual or
Plural are added to the root or to the root modified by a Tense-suffix
or by a Voice-suffix —

Sm-me 1 go (thou) ; nir-ben, run (you two) ; hiju-pe! come (you).

It oocurs in all the four Voices — Abung-en-me / Wash thyself!
Dal-6-pel Be beaten (you) ! Du-p-ular-pe ! Love each other!

Direct and Indirect Pronominal Objects are inserted immediately
before the Pronominal Su &x.-Lel-ing-me 1 Look at me! Ra-i-ben !
You two call him ! Om-ako-pe, Give it to them !

It is used in the following Tenses : —

1st. — The Indeterminate and the Simple Future — Whenever the
Direct Objeot of a Transitive Predicate is an inanimate being, the
vowel e is inserted before the Pronominal Suffix—

LeJ-e-me ! Look at it. Do-e-ben ! Put it down (you two) ! Bur-
ang-e-pe ! Throw it away (you) !

2nd.— The Static Future — Tol-ta-i-me ! Tie him down ! Do-ta-ben !
Put it down and leave it there (you two), or Put it down all the
same or nevertheless !

The vowel e of me is generally dropped when this Suffix is imme-
diately preceded by the Statio Affix ta or by the Pronominal Objects ko
or ako. Do-ta-m ! ra-ko-m ! Call them ! Ader-ta-ko-m 1 Drive them
in and shut them up ! or, drive them in notwithstanding !

3rd.— The Intransitive Anterior Future in kd and the Anterior
Future in te. Bemarkthat me does not drop its e after Jed and le—
Hiju-kd-me ! First oome here (thon) ! Sen-le-me 1 First go (to such or
euoh a place) ! Ra-le-ko-m ! First call them (thou) !

AT, B , — Whenever U is suffixed to words which form their Anterior Future In U } the
Suffix 16 assumes the meaning of a polite invitation. SenM-me / Go, please I is $

Do write, please ! Dub'-M-pe ! Do sit down, please !

Even with those words which form their Anterior Future exclusively in M t that Suffix
frequently implies a polite invitation : hence circumstances must decide whether, for
instance, EijfoM-me l means first come here / or do come , please !

The Suffix ten is sometimes used in the Imperative and the Preea-
tive Mood for the purpose of expressing defiance. This form is
restricted to Intransitive Predicates. Eiju-len-me ! Oome if thou dare l
Come and thou wilt see something I Sen-len-me! Go if thou dare!

Part III,

. MOODS.

167

Mar ©nka kahani-len-kae ale menalere ! — All right let him dare to lie
like that in our presence (when we are present).

Jfth. — The Continuative Present In the Active forms the d of akad
is always dropped — Goaka-m ! Keep carrying it ; Sabaka-ko-m ! Con-
tinue holding them ! Otongaka-i-ben! Keep following him (you two) ;
Senaka-m ! Keep on walking ! never stop walking !

The Affix aTcan is used with two distinct functions in the Imper-
ative : — «

1st. — To distinguish the strictly Intransitive from the Transitive
functions in those words which have both functions

Birid ', to raise — Imperative, birid-alca-m ! biriden , to rise-
imperative, birid-ahan-me !

Tingw, to put on end — Imperative, tingu-aha-m ! tingim, to
stand — Imperative, tingu-akan-me !

Mape, to silence — Imperative, hape«aka-m ! v. gr. s keep that
drum silent, let that drum no longer he heard ! en dumang
hape-aka-m ; hapen , to be silent — Imperative hape-akan-me I

2nd. — With purely Intransitive Predicates, such as sen 9 hijii 9 nir 9
etc*, ahan sometimes implies a threat and sometimes it
conveys the idea of keeping out of reach so as to avoid
a threat.

Ben-aka-m ! Keep on walking ! hut Sen-ahan-me l Continue
walking or going to such and such a plane if thou dare / or Go and
remain away (because it is no longer safe her© for thee) ! Miju-aka-m !
Keep or continue coming !, hut Hiju-akan-me ! Continue coming if
thou dare / or Come away and remain away (because it is no longer
safe for thee over there) !

The very peculiar meaning of these forms is of a Eefiexive nature
for it is equivalent to the phrases to expose one’s self to a danger by
going, coming, etc., or to save one’s self from a danger by going,
coming, etc.

The Imperatives in akan, which have been mentioned under (1st),
are all corresponding to Reflexive forms : hence I incline to think that
the Continuative Present Imperative in akan is in all eases a Reflexive-
Voice form, and that the final n is not belonging to the Tense-suffix,
but that it is the formative element of the Reflexive Voice,

If this be so, it justifies the following statement : —

All Continuative Presents are formed by the Suffix akad. In the
Imperative the final d is alwavs dropped* In the Reflexive Voice

168

MUNBARI GRAMMAR,

the Voice-affix n stands between the Tense-suffix aha and the fi nal
Pronoun: hence the Imperatives quoted above must be analyzed as
follows: —

Root, Tense, Voice, Pron, Root. Tense. Voice. Pron® Root, Tense. Voice. Pron,

birid * aka - n - me! tingu ~ aha * n - me! Jiape - aha - n - me!

sen - aha • n - me! Mju • aka - n - me! nir - alca » n » me !

The same explanation applies to the form Hijiiienme ! Come if

thou dare ! ie. } expose thyself to danger hy coming ! hence the
analysis Hju-le-n-me .

Prohibitions are expressed by placing the prohibitive and deprecative
particle alo ! don’t ! before the hare root plus the Copula. In this
construction the Personal Pronouns are suffixed to ah / alo-m hij&a /
Do not come (thou) ! Alo-ben hijii-a ! Don’t come (you to) ! Alo-pe
ra-ho-a ! Do not you call them ! Alo~m dcil-in~a ! Don’t strike me !
Alo-ben om-ai-a ! Don’t (yon two) give it to him !

Freeative, Concessive or Optative Mood.

This Mood-form implies that the speaker expresses a desire or that
he asks or grants a permission, a concession or a favour.

It occurs through the four Voices in the Indeterminate Tense— the
Simple, the Anterior, and the Statio Future and in the Continuative
Present.

The formative element of this Mood is the consonant L

In the Indeterminate Tense and the Simple Future k stands imme-
diately before the Copula a —

Sen-k-a-ing,—~Ks.j I go, or let me go ; Chuti-6-k-aing, — Let me he
released, or let me he dismissed. Dasi-n-k-a-ing ? May I engage
myself as a servant? Depenga-k-a-lang ! Let ns help each other (thou
and I)!

Direct and Indirect Objects precede the Mood-suffix k —

Lel-ko-k-a-ing ! Let me see them ! Om-aing-k-a-e ! Let him give it
to me !

The vowel e is inserted whenever the Direct Object is an inanimate
being. .

Part HI.

MOODS®

169

Rim-e-k-a-e ! Let lxim lift it tip® Aium*e~k~a~e ! He may hear it*
But aium-k-a-e ! means let Mm listen ! Le., let Mm pdy attention!

In the other Tenses the Tense-suffixes are affixed immediately to
the root. Direct and Indirect Objects denoting living beings stand
between the Tense-suffix and the Mood-suffix k.

Objeets denoting inanimate beings are not inserted —

Ld-le~k~a-ing ? May I first see it P ToLta»ko-k-a-ing ! let me tie
them (and leave them tied), or let me tie them notwithstanding.

The Static Future calls for no further explanations.

In the Anterior Future attention must he paid to the following
points

1st . — K6 is used both as Anterior Tense- suffix and as a polite form
with most Intransitive Predicates : hence Sen-ko-k«a-ing
may mean (a) Let me first go, or (b) May I first go,
please ?

2nd.— In the case of Transitive Predicates le is exclusively used as
Tense-suffix. In this Mood as well as in the Indicative
the e of le is dropped whenever ing or i is inserted as
Direct or Indirect Objects. Om-l-ing-k-a-e / for om4e-ing
k-a~e! Let him first give it to me! Rd-l-i-k-a-ing for
r&-le-i-k~amg I Let me first call him !

The remarks made in the Chapter on the Imperative apply through-
out to the Precative or Concessive. Hence (a) in the case of purely
Intransitive words, the following difference in meaning exists : —

Sen-aka-h-a-e ! Let him continue walking without interruption !

8en-aka~n-k-a-e ! Let him continue going to such a place if he dare ,
or, Let him go to such a place and remain there
to save himself /

(J) In words capable of both functions, aka stands for the Transitive
and aka-n for the Intransitive, Le*, the Reflexive function —

Bumange hape-aka~k~a~e ! Let him silence that drum for good and
all!

Rutanko hape»aka ko-k Let him keep the drummers silent.

Eape-aka-n-k-a~e ! Let him remain silent ! _ ,

170

MTJNDARl GRAMMAR.

The Suffix ten is added to Intransitive Predicates for the purpose
of implying a threat —

Hijii-le-n-ka-e 1 Let him com© if he dare !

The Suffix ko in connection with Transitive Predicates is used exclu-
sively to express a desire or an invitation in a polite manner.

Refusals, prohibitions and requests for exemption are expressed in
two ways, in each of which the Negative Particle ha is replaced by the
Prohibitive ah—

hi.— Alo with the Pronominal Subject precedes the Simple
Future of the Concessive Mood —

Alo-ing Jcami-k-a , — Let me not be obliged to work. Alo»e sajai-6-
k-a 9 — Let him not he punished.

However, this construction is rather exceptional.

2nd.— Generally the Mood-suffix h is detached from the
Predicate and suffixed to alo . In the Second Person
Singular as well as throughout the Dual and Plural a
euphonic vowel is necessary to prevent the immediate
contact of fc and the consonants m 9 l 9 b, p 9 and h : hence
in this construction the Emphatic Pronouns aing 9 am 9 ae 9
alang 9 etc., replace the Simple Pronouns —

Alo-k~axng sena 9 — Let me not be obliged to go.

Alo-k~am, sena! Do not go ! or Let thee not be obliged to go.

Alo-k-ae sena! Let him not go ! or Let him not be obliged to go !

Alo-k~alang sena ! Let thee and me not be obliged to go ! or Let
us not go!

Alo-k^aling sajai»6~a 9 — Let him and me not be punished.

Alo-k-aking m-in-a , — Let them (the two) not call me.

Ato-k-abu ep-er-angat—IjQi you and me not quarrel.

Alo-k-ale dasi-n-a 9 — Let me and them not be obliged to engage
as servants.

Ab-k-ape nira menie , — Lest you run way, in order that you may
not run away.

Alo-k-ako hijtia 9 — Let them not come.

Of the above forms, the Third Person Singular, Dual and Plural are
generally used as Imperatives, i.e . 9 for the purpose of conveying
prohibitions or refusals.

The First and Second Persons Singular, Dual and Plural occur
chiefly in negative Final clauses. In this function they are followed

Part III. hoods. 171

by menie. Ah-k*ae sena mmte nere hami rilwjadfmea^ — He makes thee
work here lest thou shouldst go, or, to prevent thee from going there,
etc. Ote~ng kating-ape-a alo-k-ape eperanga mente>—I shall divide the
land between you lest you quarrel, or to prevent you from quarrelling.

Attention must be paid to the requisite change of Person in trans-
lating these Final clauses from English into Mundari. In English
the Subjunctive of the Final clause is in reality equivalent to the
indirect speech-form ( oratio obliqua). In Mundari this is replaced
by the direct form: hence the Verb which in English stands in the
First Person must in Mundari "stand in the Third Person and vice versa—

He gave me money in order that I should not sue him stands
thus in Mundari : In order that he should not sue me saying (to
himself) he gave me money, — Alo-k-ae natis-in-a mmte ialcae omd-ina.

Whenever circumstances allow, the Predicate which we would
expect to follow the forms alo~fc-aing 9 etc,, is left aside, and these forms
are made into complete propositions by adding a—

Alo-k-am-a ! Let mo not be obliged to it !

Alo-k -ae-a! Let him not do so ! or Let him not say so!

Alo-h-alcmg-a ! Let us not do it, let us not say it, let us not go,
etc., etc.

Alo-h-aling-a ! Let him and me not be obliged to it !

Alo-7e-aking~a I Let them (the two) not do it, say it, etc.

The Second Persons Singular, Dual and Plural are replaced by the
Imperatives alom $ alo-ben , alo~pe followed by a 9 v.gr,, ah-m-a I Don’t !
Alo~hen~a! Don’t {you two) ! Alo-pe-a ! Don’t you !

The Mood-suffix Jc must, I think, be referred to that root which we
met in the Indefinite and Interrogative Demonstratives and Pronouns,
oho and okoe. In these words the initial o is so short that it may be
looked upon as a mere onset. The very function of the words oho and
ohoe shows that the root is expressive of doubt and uncertainty. Now
if k represent that root, then the Mood-suffix would have to be looked
upon as fulfilling the function of a dubitative or interrogative Adverb,
similar in meaning to the English perhaps . Hence kami-k»a-ing 9 - —
Perhaps I shall work or, mag be I shall work, Le., if thou desire or
allow it. The Preoative as such does indeed directly connote uncer-
tainty, and it connotes this uncertainty as dependent on the good
pleasure of some one distinct from the speaker.

b22

172

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

The polite Suffix ho has plainly the meaning attributed above to
the ordinary S uffix k, the only difference being that ho directly
connotes the good pleasure of the person addressed, whereas k insists
more direotly on the uncertainty or doubt. Bab-ko-me , — be pleased to
sit down. Bub-ko-a-ing, — may I sit down please ? is equivalent to
/shall sit down if thou be pleased. The Concessive or Precalive k and
the polite kd seem to be but different forms of one and the same
Indefinite or Interrogative root, which occurs as oho in the Indefinite
and Interrogative Adjectives* as ho in the Third Person Plural of the
Pronoun, a# k in the Dual king, and again as ho in the Plural of
Nouns denoting living beings. Indefiniteness and consequently a
certain vagueness or uncertainty is the common feature of all these
words. It is therefore probable that the k which runs through all of
them belongs to one and the same original root.

The explanation of the Conditional forms belongs to the Chapter
on Subordinate Clauses. ( See p. 203.)

Mena' and Bano.

Concrete existence and presence in a given place are denoted by
mend. Non-existence and absence from a given place are denoted by
band. In the Present Tense these two words insert the Personal
Pronouns between the root and the Impersonal d.

The n of band is nasalized throughout except in the Impersonal

form. Hence bang instead of band-

Mmd-in-o, X exist or I am present. ■

Meud-me-a,

Mmd-i-a,

thou exiatesb,
he or she exists.

Menu,

it or they (man. obj.) exist.

Mend-tang -a 9
Mend-ling-a,

thou and I exist*
he or she and I exist.

Mend-len-a,

Memd-hing-a,

Mend'bv.-a t

Mend-le-a,

dfcnd-pe-a,

Men&-ko-a 9

you two exist,
the two exist,
you and I exist,
they and I exist,
you exist,
they exist.

Bang-in a.

I do not exist or I am
absent.

Bcmg-me-a s

thou doest not exist.

Bang-di-a^

he or she does not ex-
ist-.

Bano-ti,

it or they (in an. obj ) does
not exist,

Bang-lang-a ,

thou and 1 do not exist,

Bang -ling -a,

lie or she andj l do not
exist.

Bang-ben-a,

you two do not exist.

Bang-lcing-a ,

neither of them exist.

Bang-lu-a,

you and I do not exist.

Bang-le-a,

they and I do not exist.

Bang-pe-a,

you do not exist.

Bang-ko-a,

they do not exist.

In the Second Person Singular the form mendm-a may he used
instead of met.d-tne-a.

-r

Part III.

THE IMPERSONAL CONSTRUCTION

173

Bang»d4na occurs frequently Instead of bang4fi~a;bang-ft^am&y
be substituted for bang~ko-a 9 and in some places they say bang-u4-a,
or bang-iij-a instead of bang-d-ia .

The phrases to be here , to be there , not to be here , not to be there
are generally rendered by mend and band without the Adverbs of
Place. These Adverbs are used only when it is desired or necessary to
emphasize the exact position. In this ease the Adverbs generally take
the emphatic Affix ge or the Corrective do according to the requirements
of the proposition—

Nere-ge mena-ko-a, hcmre-do bang-ku-a,~ It is here they are, over
there they are certainly not.

The phrases to be still alive and to be dead are very often rendered
simply by menci and band —

Mend-i-a , — he is still alive* Soma isu din taete bang^ia — Soma is
dead since many years.

Similarly, the phrases, to he at home and not to be at home are ren-
dered simply by mend and band, respectively.

Particularly the Second Person Plural and the Third Person
Plural are used to ask or answer the questions. Are all of you at
home ? or Are all the people of this house at home now ? .

Thus Mena-pe-achi ? Bau-ingtaMng mena-king-a , apuingdo bang -
di-a. Are all of you at home? My two (senior) brothers are at home,
but my father is not, or my father is out. lienee context and circum-
stances must generally decide whether mend means to exist or to be
present or to he here or there , or to be at home , or to be still alive .
Similarly, the meaning of band depends generally on the context or
the circumstances®

Compound Postpositions and Adverbs of Place denoting either rest
in or motion to a place are construed like mend when they are used
intransitively. Even Nouns denoting places follow the same rale when
they have the Suffixes re or te. In this construction the of re or U
elides with the i of ing and with the i of the 3rd Person Singular, '

Se-r-lti-a, I am here. ;

J^e-re-rm, Thou' art' here. 1

AVr-ta, " : H e (she) is here.

€b r ... : Itiiis hero.'.
Ilaiii-in'Ctf ^ J, thou, he,
Han-te-m-a, I etc., shall
ff<m4-ua s j r or will go
j yonder.

Tcmm4*&4ang-a i '\ Thou and X, he
Taiom-re-ling-a, I and I, etc.,
Taioin-re-ben-ci; ( are behind.
Taiom-re'Mng-a, l
Aiar4e4ang-a t Thou and I, h©
Aiar4e4ing-a f | and X etc.,
A ir te-len a, j will go on
A im'4c~]ring-a } J head.

0rdre4u-a,

Qr&-rc4e-a P

Ord're-pe-a,

Ord-re^o-a,

Bw'te'lu’a,

Bit4e4e-a y .

■ Bi.T4e-jiC'a i
i Bir-U-lco-a,

’ You and I } .
they and
etc., are fa

■...the: house.'

f You and I,
j "they. and I,
i ©to., will or
I shall go to

I ihe v ' :: fc>re.yt ;

174

MUNDABI GRAMMAR,

Mend lias a Conimuative Present. Mend-akcmge-a~mg 9 mena-akange *■>
am, mena*akange-ae 9 men&akange-d , etc* 1 am still here* or— -I am still
alive* or I am still at home* etc.

Band forms a Past Tense with the Suffix jan. In this construction
the Personal Pronouns remain suffixed to the root bang or band Just as
in the Present Tense, The very meaning of the form limits it to the
Third Person Singular* Dual and Plural : Banga4-jam~e , h© died or
he has gone away from here and never returned since, Band-jan-a, that
thing or those things were lost or destroyed, Bang-king-jan-a, both
died or went away and never returned, Bang-ko-gan-a, they died or
they went away and never returned.

Adverbs and Nouns denoting place form a similar Past in fan
when they take the suffix te indicative of motion , This Past
Tense occurs in the three Persons and Numbers—

Bir-t-ing-jan-a , — I went to the forest.

Birde-myaii-ai — thou wentst to the
forest.

Mir-Pt-jem-a^he went to the forest,

etc*

Aiar4e4ang~jaii* a 5 — thou and 1 went
ahead.

Aiar4e4ing*jan~a 9 ~~hQ and I went
ahead.

Aiar 4e4en-j an* a 9 -~~y on two went
ahead.

Taeken-a is used as Past Tense of mend.

TaeJcm-a-ing, — I existed; I was there ; 1 was at home,

TaeJeen-a-m> — thou existed ; thou wast there ; thou wasi at home.
Taeken-a-e,~~ke existed ; he was there ; he was at home ; lie was alive.
Taeken-a ,' — it existed ; it was there.

The corresponding Past Tense of lanff is formed by placing the

Negative Particle ha with the Pronominal Suffixes before taeken-~~

*

Ka-ing taekena, ka-m taekena, ka-e taekena , etc.

The Past of the Adverbial Componnds ie formed by placing them
with the Pronominal Suffixes before taeken —

Nere-ng taekena, — I was here ; Ord-re ka-m taekena,-- Thou wast
not at home, etc.

Part 111 .

THE IMPERSONAL CONSTRUCTION.

175

Various words are used to perform the function of Future to mend
and band —

(1) In their strict meaning — to exist or not to exists they take the
word taen as Future whenever there is question of inanimate objects—

Ne ora api sirma taiomte ha taena , — This house will no longer exist
after three years. When there is question of living beings, jido, to
be alive, is often used. But taen may be used too —

Ne haram api sirma taiomte kae Jidda or kae taena , — This old
man will not be alive after there years.

(2) When they mean to be present or to be absent , they borrow their
Future either from taen or from namo, to be found —

not be here to-morrow.
» present „

Mend and band are also the Mundari equivalents of the Verbs to
have , to possess and not to have , not to possess.

The construction to be used when they have this meaning has been
explained in the Introduction (page xlv).

Men means to say . Although this word may take all the Tense-
suffixes, it is frequently used with a Present Tense meaning without
Tense-suffix and without Copula for the purpose of quoting replies
mad© by some third person, or in order to emphasize one’s own words
to some body —

Rear da mendcM banod menfe kuhkorn. Kuliked' koaing, banod-ko
men, — Ask them whether there is fresh water or not. I did ask them
they say that there is none. Kako hijiiakana-e men , — He says that they
'have not come. Kaing sena~ing men , — I tell thee that I won’t go.
CMhanam kajila ? Kaing bujaubesheda hat didst thou say there?
I did not understand well. Marking sena4ng men,~l said (just now)
ail right I shall go, or I said that I would go. •

Ka as Transitive or Intransitive Predicate .

When the Negative Particle ka is used either transitively or intransi-
tively it is construed like mend , It has the Indeterminate Tense, the
Future, the Definite and Indefinite Present, the Definite Present

Gapa nere kae taena or nere kae namda^ 10

170

HUN DARI GRAMMAR.

Imperfect and the Indefinite Past with the Suffix Jan. It may mean not
to he willing , not to agree to something , to refuse —

Indeterminate and Future : Ka-in-&, ka-m-d, ka-e-d, ka-lang-d, etc.
Definite or Intransitive Present: Ea-in>d-tan-a, ka-m*d-tcm-a 9 etc., I
am unwilling.

Transitive Present: Ka-in-d-j ad* a, ka-m-d-j ad-a, — -I refuse it; 1 don't
agree to this or that.

Imperfect: Ka-in-d~tcm taekena, ka*m*d-tan taekena, ka-e-d-tan-iaeken-a<
Past : Ka~ih-d-jan*a, ka-m-d-jan-a, ka-e-d-jan-a, kaJang-d-jan-a , etc.

The Neuter form of the third Person Singular is often used to
denote that some inanimate object resists all efforts at producing a
certain effect on it. Thus, v.gr,, after fruitless attempts at breaking a
rock or moving some heavy object, the Munda will say Ka-e-a ! — It
won’t break, it won’t move ! In this form the e is purely euphonic.

When it is necessary to specify the refusal denoted by those forms
in which the Personal Pronouns are inserted, the bare root of the

Suku,

to be pleased, glad, or satisfied.

Rasika,

to be joyful.

Euringji ,

to feel downcast.

Mukunin,

to feel peevish, homesick or lonely.

Chenta 9

to be jealous,

Khis,

to feel angry.

Knrkur,

to feel angry.

Kadrau ,

to feel impatient or annoyed.

Mamarcmg,

to feel proud#

Gin,

to feel ashamed.

Saucing,

to desire.

Main,

Angau,

| to feel a strong longing or to be banker

Akcibakau,

to feel confused or confounded.

Akadancla ,

to feel astonished.

Asadi ,

to be tired of, to be disgusted with.

Kilang,

to feel a hatred, a horror, a dislike for.

Mdkdufat,

to feel sorrow, regret for, to repent of.

Range,

to feel hungry.

Tetcing,

to feel thirsty.

Rabang,

to feel cold.

TutJctm ,

to feel cool.

Lolo,

to feel hot.

Urgum ,

to feel cosily warm.

Jets,

to feel the rays of the sun,

Part III.

THE IMPERSONAL CONSTRUCTION.

177

specifying word is placed before the forms, v.gr., Sen ka-e a, — He will
refuse to go Kami ka-king-d,— Both of them refuse to work. Hijii
Jca-ko-d-tan-a, — .They now refuse to come. Nir ka-iil-a-jan-a, — I refused
to run away.

JSF.B .— The Indeterminate forms ka-ih-d } fca-m-d, etc., are generally used with a pi’esent
meaning. Hence, v.gt\ t chirang ka-e-d may mean—

(1) He always refuses to sing (be never sings) ; (2) He will refuse to sing, or (3) He refuses
to sing.

Words denoting purely subjective affections, such as bodily feelings ,
passions or states of mind , are construed impersonally. The Pronoun
denoting the person who experiences these affections is inserted according
to the rules given for Indirect Pronominal Objects.

The following list, which contains the greater number of those words,
gives, besides the bare root, the first Person Singular of the Future, the
Present, and the Simple Past Tenses. The remaining Tenses are also
in use : —

suku-aih-a.

suku-j d-ih-a ,

suku-k-ih- a.

rasika-aih-a.

rasika-jd-ih a.

rasika k-ih-a .

Imrinpji-aih-a ,

liuringj i-j a -in* a .

ImringjUk-ih-a.

mulcunin am- a.

muhunin-j d-ih - a .

muleun in - k-ih-a *

client a- aih-a.

client a-jd-ih- a.

chenta- k-ih-a .

khisi-aih-a.

khisi-jd-ih-a.

khisi- k-ih-a .

k urkur- aih-a.

k urkur -j d-ih-a .

kurkur -k-ih-a.

ka dr au- aih-a .

Tcadrau-j d-in-a.

k a d rati -k- in - a e

m am a r a ng- a i n - a .

mamarang-j d-in-a.

ma m arang -k-ih-a*

gin- aih-a

giu-j d-ih-a *

giu-k-ih-a.

sanang-aih-a

san ang-j d-in-a .

sanang-k-ih-a.

haia aih-a .

huia-j d-ih-a.

haia-k-ih-a .

angau-aih.a ,

angau-j d-ih-a .

angan-k-ih-a.

ale ah aka u-dih ■ a.

akahakau-jd-ih-a .

akahalau-k-ih - a *

akadanda- aih-a*

akadanda-j d-ih-a.

akadanda-k - ih-a.

asadi-aih-a.

asadi-j d-in-a.

asadi-k-ih-a .

liilaQig -alh-a.

hilang-j d-in-a.

hilang -k-ih-a.

monduk u- am- a.

mondulm -j d-ih-a .

monduku-k-ih-a.

renge -dih-a*

renge-jd-ih-a

rengc-k-ih-a ,

tetang-aih-a.

tetang-j d-ih-a.

tetang-k-ih-a.

rabang -aih-a*

rabang -j d-ih-a .

rabang-7d-h-a .

tutleun- aih-a »

tu tlcun-j d-ih-a.

tutkun-k-ih-ti.

lolo-aih-a.

1 olo-j d-ih-a .

lolo-le-ih-a .

urgum- aih-a.

ur gum- j d-ih- cu

urgum* k-ih-a.

jete-ain-a*

jeie-j dih-a .

jeie-k-ih-a.

178

MTJNDARI GRAMMAR.

'''I

l, J

Elang,

Balhal ,
Turtung ,
Suleul ,
Eulumulu.
Busier us u
Busumusu.
Buarabang,
Kudbcmr , y

VladeOf )
Osohondo ,

Tatar,

Buiam,

Gamang ,

Laga,

Hamhal,

Babi I,

Bahain ,

Gutu,

Usur 9

Bobiur,

Lit turhmi g Jmn,
Totbrau,

Gungurud 1
Datagamang, )

Mer,

Harad',

Jojo,

Helen,

Birin,

Soan s

to strongly feel the heat emanating from a flame
or burning coals,
to perspire,
to feel the glare.

to feel the smoke in one’s eyes and throat.

to experience those sensations of shivering and
which characterise an approaching fever.

to have ague (feel hot and cold successively),
to feel sick on the stomach ; to feel on the $>oint
of bringing up.

to feel that peculiar heaviness of limbs and
fatigue which precedes an attack of fever,
to feel stiff on account of having continued too
long in the same position,
to experience that peculiar itching in a limb arising]
from continuing too long in the same position,
to experience a ticklish sensation,
to feel tired.

to find that something is heavy,
to find that something is light,
to itch.

to feel a pricking sensation.

to feel a smarting or burning sensation.

to feel giddy ; literally , to feel one’s head turning

to have c-ne’s ears buzzing. .

to feel deafened with a noise.

to feel one’s teeth on edge.

to find something bitter.

to find something hot (like pepper).

to find something sour.

to find something astringent.

to find something tasting stale.

to experience a bad smell. j

To these must be added the generic word at'kar, to feel, to ex-
perience, to be under the impression, to fancy.

The sentence or phrase denoting the subjective affections experi-
enced takes the Suffix leha, like, as though, as if, just like, just as if,
fust as though. This Suffix replaces the Copula# of the Predicates,
and thus transforms the whole sentence or phrase into a mere Adverbial
phrase.

Mmtan-a-tng , — I have fever : hence Bmtcm-IeJca afkar-jd^in-a^
1 feel as if I had fever. CMulao haing MMa , — 1 never saw him': hence

Part III. the impersonal construction.

elang-ain-a ,

clang -jd-in-a.

■ dang-k-in-a*

balbal-ain-a.

bjtlbal-jd-in-a.

balbal-Jc-m-a.

iurtimg-ain-a.

turtungjd-in-a.

turtu ng-Jc-m- a .

sukul-ain-a*

suhitl-jddn a ,

sulcul-k-ih-a.

dulumulu-am-a.

duliimuhi-jd-in~a ,

dulumulu-k-in-a.

Tusurusu-ain-a.

rusurasu-jd-in-a.

rtisnrusu-k-m-a.

rus urn usu-ain-a.

rus umusti-jd-in-a.

rusumusu-k-in-a*

r u ara b ang-aih- a .

ruarabang -jd-in-a.

ruarabang-lc-in-a.

kud'baur-ain-a .

7c ud'baur-jd- in -

kud'btxur-k-in-a.

uladeo-am-a.

uladeo-jd-m-a.

uladeo-Jc-m-a.

osobondo-ain-a.

osohonclo-j d • in - a .

osobondodc4n-a«

tatai-ain-fx.

i it ai- jd-in-a.

tatai-Jc4h-a.

ruiam-aih-a .

ruiam-jd-ih-a.

ruiam-k-m-a .

gamang-ain-a.

gamang-jdm-a.

gamang-l4h- a.

laga-cdn

laga-jd-in-a.

laga-7c4h*a.

hambal-ain-a .

hambal-j a-in-a.^

ha m ba l-kdn-a.

rabal-am-a.

rabal -jd-in-a .

rabal- 7c4n-a.

babata-ain-a.

bobata-j d-in-a.

habata-lc4h»a.

guta-ain-a.

gutu-jd-in-a .

g atndc4h-a*

usur-ain-a.

usur-jd-ih-a .

usur-Tc-m-a.

bobiur-ain-a .

bobinr -jd-in-a*

bobiurdc4n-a.

hiturJi ung Jmn-am-a .

l. 1 m nglmn -j 6 -in -a .

1. Jimigh undc4 h-a.

totorau-a-in-a .

totorau-j d-in -a -

totorau dc-m-a*

gwigiirud' -ain~ a .

gangurud f -j a-in-a .

gungiiriid'-fcdn- a*

gamang-ain-a.

<£. get mang-j d-in - a »

d. gamangde-in-a .

mer-am-a*

mer-j d-in-a*

merdc-ih-a.

harad'am-a.

liarad' -jd-in-a.

7iarad r dc-%n-a .

jojo-ain-a*

jojo-j d-in-a

jojodc-in-a.

heben-ain-a.

lieben-j d-in-a .

liebendc-vh- a.

sirin-aih-cu

sirhi-j ddn-a.

sirindc-in-a .

soan-aih-a.

socm-j d-in-a.

soan-k-in-a*

C Idaho Ming leMleka atlmr-ja- m-a r — I am under the impression that
I never saw him.

Gel gaudi-ng senakada^l have done ten leagues, or I have
continued marching ten leagues : hence, Gel gaudi semhad' -len®
#t'kar-k-in-a 9 — 1 felt as though I had been marching ten leagues*

All the above words must be construed personally when they take
the Causatives rifoi or ifh v.gr., huringji-ril a, to cause some one to feel

b 23

180

MTJNDARI GRAMMAR*

discouraged ; khisAri to cause some one to get angry. Pronouns are
inserted as Direct Objects , v.gr., giu-rika-ked'-ko-a-e, he made them
ashamed, he shamed them.

The following when construed personally either insert Indirect
Pronominal Objects, or they take Objects introduced by td&n&tdte
outside the Predicate : —

Sulcu, to like some one ; mku-ai-tan-a-ko or aet&te- ko snku-tana, they like him,
Chenta , to envy; chenta- ako- a-e, he will envy them.

Khisio, to be angry with; khisi-ale-a-ko or ale-ta- ko khisi-o-a, they will be angry

with us.

jKmkur , to he angry with ; kurlcur- acV -ko -a-e, he got angry with them.

Boro , to he afraid of ; horo-am4an*a-le, we are afraid of thee.

The following are used as Transitive Predicates : —

Lolo, to heat; tutkun, to cool; urgum, to warm; rabang , to make cold.

Mer, to give a hitter taste to something by means of a particular ingredient.
JIarad', to give a hot taste to something by means of a hot ingredient.

Jojo, to give an acid taste to something by means of tamarind.

Has®, to be sick, and rua to have fever, are construed personally.
Hasutan-a-ing, I am sick, but ha$u-ja r -in-a 9 it hurts or pains me.

Benge when construed personally means to be poor; Benge-tan-a-ko , they
are poor; renge-len-a-ko, they had been poor; renge-jan-a-ko , they have become
poor.

Suku construed personally means to be satisfied, to be happy, to he pleased;
Suku-tan-a-le, we are satisfied; Suku-jan-a-ko, they were satisfied and are so
still; Sukudm-a-ko, they were satisfied then.

Since the correct rendering of the English Yerb to be presents con-
siderable difficulties to the foreign student, it seems advisable to resume
into a few rules all that has been said here and there in the preceding
pages about the manner in which Mundari Predicates are connected
with their Subjects —

1st— Whenever the Yerb to be is synonymous with to exist , to be still
aim 5 to ‘be present , to be at home it is rendered by mend. In the
corresponding negative proposition it is rendered by band —

There is a God, — Pormesur mendia. There are no witches, — NdjomJco
langkucL Is thy father still alive ? Apum mendia chi t The village-chief
and the sacrificer are not present Munda pahanr king bangkinga : ~~My
brother is not at home, — Bauing bangdia.

Part III, how to restper the verb “to be ” into mundary. 181

Mend is frequently replaced by tlie construction * explained on
page 113 when there is question of presence in a particular place
which is designated either by a Noun or an Adverb of Place.

Band can never be replaced by this construction™

They are here, — Were menakoa or Werekoa. Negat. Were bangkua .
He is in the house, — Ordre menaia or Or aria • Negat. Ordre bangdia .
Where is the axe ? Hake okore mend or Hake okorea .

2nd — Whenever the Verb to be is a mere link-word it is rendered
either by tan or by a according to the following rules : —

1. When the Verb to be stands as Copula in a sentence where the
Predicate is a Noun or Pronoun primarily and directly denoting an
individual or a species or a gems it must be rendered by tan .

Who: is this ? Wi okoi tani f This is Pasana of Sarwada,—
Wi Sancadaren Pasana tani. Are these Hundas or Uraons ? Niku
Horoko tan-ko chi JJraonko ? It is a sal tree, — Sarjom tana. It & himself,
Inige ta/nz.

2. When the Yerb to be stands as Copula in a sentence where the
Predicate is an Adjective or a Participle, it must be rendered by a.
This a is alwaj s suffixed to the Predicate, Adjective Predicates very
frequently take the emphatic ge as Suffix.

It is black, Hendea or hendegea. This man is tall,— A ? e horo
%alangigede. Some are good, others are bad, — Tara Ico hugigeako tarako
et'kageako »

Here it must be remembered that many Mundari equivalents of
English Adverbs are treated as Intransitive Predicates. Of these,
most stand in the Perfect or Continuative Present Tense —

He is rich, P ungiakanae ; literally, he is enriched. This knife is
sharp, —We katn leserakana ; literally, is sharpened or has been sharpened.
Some stand in the Intransitive Present—

He is poor, Rengetame !; literally, He hungers or he wants. They

are sick, Hasutanako .

182

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

3. When the Verb to be stands as Copula in a sentence where the
Predicate is a Noun primarily denoting an individual, but directly
connoting a dignity, an office or a date of dependence, it must be rendered
by d. In this case the Muudari equivalent of the English Noun is
treated as an Intransitive Predicate and stands in the Perfect Tense—
Who is chief in this village? Ne hature oM nuindankam-e ?
These two are the servants of the s&crificer , — Nihivg pahanrt dr eking
dasinkana. He is the king of this country ,— Ini ne dimmree rcyaakam .

Remark.— It often happens that the dignity ox office connoted by these Nouns is entirely
neglected, and that the designation of the individuality is solely intended by the speaker. In
this ease the Mundari equivalent of the English Noun retains the function of a Noun and is
connected mill its Subject, by means of the Copula tan.

Who is this man ? iVe horo okoi tani ? He is the chief of Sarwada, — Sarwadaren Mwida
t ank Who are these two young- men ? JSfe dangra Icing okoi-kivg ? They are my servantsj—
A inti dasibing tanking .

FUNCTION OF EEBUPLlCATION.

Reduplication consists in the repetition of the first syllable of a
Transitive or Intransitive Predicate, v.gr., dal, da-dal; sen, se~sen —

Words beginning with a simple or an aspirated vowel reduplicate,
not by a distinct repetition of that vowel, but by lengthening it,
v.gr., Mju, lufk; aiim, damn.

This simple lengthening of the vowel in the first sy liable is very
freely used even in words beginning with a consonant, v.gr., dal for
dedal; sen for sesen.

Certain words beginning with a consonant do not admit of real
reduplication. Lengthening of the first vowel is all they allow, v.gr.,
j agar, j agar , never jajagar. Si, to plough, is rarely reduplicated, ski
being bardly ever heard. If its first syllable is lengthened, it is
followed by u. Hence sht _ is equivalent to sisi.

Reduplication is used—

1st . — To denote natural dispositions or habits, customs, and natural
phenomena. With this function it naturally occurs chiefly in the
Indeterminate Tense. It may in fact he stated as almost a general
rule that the Indeterminate Tense-form reduplicates or lengthens its

P ART IV. formation of compound primary (predicative) elements. 183

first syllable. It is by this that it is chiefly distinguishable from the
Simple Future—

Ne horo dadala e , or dalae ,— This man is in the habit of beating or
this man is quick to beat. En jo kako jojoma , or jama , — They do not
eat that fruit, ie,, that fruit is never eaten or it is not eatable . Asarre
gdmaeae, in Asai* (middle of June to middle of July) it (always) rains.

2nd . — It is used to denote an attempt at something or a purpose to
begin something. In this case the reduplicated Predicate either takes
the Locative Suffix te, to, and is followed by sen, to go, or it takes
the construction explained on pages 173 and 174 without sen.

Nemlteng sena or
Nelteng sena or

neneltim ,
mUifta ,

}

I shall go to see.

Amnte-bu sena or diumte-bu-a , — You and I will go to listen.

In the Imperative the Exhortative Particle do la generally takes
the Personal Pronominal Suffix: JDola-bu nenelte,— Let us (you and I)
go to see. However, the other constructions are also used. Thus
Bola! siu-te-bu-a ! or Dola ! siu-te-bu sena ! Come! let us (you and I)
go to plough.

3rd . — It is used to denote successful beginnings : No hone sesena or
sena , — This child begins to walk .

This particular phrase is used in the Perfect Tense with a slightly
different meaning. Ne hon sesenakanae , — This child has learnt to walk
or, can walk. Ne kora nadoe ofe,— Now this boy begins to write ,

FOE M ATI ON OP COMPOUND PEIMAEY (PEE DIG ATI YE)
ELEMENTS.

In the preceding chapters we Have seen how the secondary ox*
formative elements agglutinate with the primary or predicative
elements for the purpose of forming integral and intelligible parts
of a sentence.

* The present chapter shows how new primary elements are obtained
either by the concurrence of several predicative roots or by the
concurrence of a predicative with a demonstrative (formative) root.

In Mundari these Compound Primary elements are obtained by mere
juxtaposition of two complete roots or words, v.gr , 9 sadom-ho, horse-*
head; sen-aiar, precede.-

184

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

In Organic Compounds of this kind there always exists a functional
interdependence between the component parts. Thus in the compound
horse-head the first Noun acts as a Qualificative of the second. In foresee
fore acts as a Modification of the Yerb. Hence we may say that in these
Compound words one of the components does in a way assume the
function of a formative element, although it be a predicative root and
although the result of the composition be itself a primary element
which in its totality is as susceptible of the ordinary secondary or
formative elements as any simple root or word.

Mundari forms similar compounds, and it does so even more exten-
sively than Organic languages. But besides these, it forms a set of
Compound words in which the component elements are not only
materially juxtaposed, but also functionally co-ordinate , i.e., neither of
the juxtaposed words acts as specification or modification to the other.
These co-ordinate Compound words are of two kinds —

1st — Natural or conventional groups of men or animals or collec-
tions of objects, such as, v.gr., sets of implements, are denoted by juxta-
posing the names of two individuals of the group or the names of two
objects of the collection.

In analogous expressions of Organic languages the Conjunctive
Particle must be used, v.gr., kith and kin ; goods and chattels.

2nd — Many of these co-ordinate Compounds are used to directly
denote quite a distinct idea which we generally express by means of an
Abstract Noun . The idea thus denoted arises by implication from the
collection originally signified.

I here subjoin a list of such Compounds which give a fair idea of
the Munda’s degree of civilization and of his ambitions, fears, and
pleasures: —

Enga-apii (mother and father) , parents.

Haram-buria (the old man and the old woman), the heads of the
family .

Non-hopon (child and grandchild), the children of the house , This
includes daughters-in-law as well as any adopted children.

Boko-boea (brother and sister), applied to all the children of the
same parents without distinction of sex or seniority. It
is equivalent to the German word Qesehivister.

Misia-barea (sister and brother). Like bokoboea , the children of the
same parents.

Non-bur i (child and old woman), wife and children.

TTnm ( rfVh i 1 ri Q’nrl ■famrnlti

Part IV. FOBMATION OF COMPOUND PB1MABY (PREDICATIVE) ELEMENTS. 185

Dasi-guti (servant and slave), dependants, cfr. 9 the Lafcr nfamilia.

Munda-pahanr (oMef and saorificer), the authorities of the village.

Raja-takur (rajah and takur), the authorities of the land (includes all
official persons).

Raja-par ja (the king and peasant), the whole population.

Rayat-parja (tenants with and tenants without occupancy right)
the subjects.

Bing -hiding (snake and scorpion), venomous reptiles (includes
centipedes and had spiders).

Jiujantu (life and beast) — 1st , every living thing (except man) ; 2nd f
everything living that cannot fly (except man).

Chenre-chipiiriid ' (bird and P ), the birds of the air , v« gx\, JSfida
dipli jiu-janiuho senbara chenre-chipiirndko duruma.

Ote-sahan (land and firewood), wealth in immoveable property .

Bar u-sing (tree and tree), orchard (includes all fruit trees).

Bhan-hurji (a bag in which goods are packed and loaded on pack-
bullocks and goods), loealth in moveable property.*

Taka-paisa (rupees and pice), cash, ready money , riches.

Uri-merom (ox and goat), cattle.

Sm-sukuri (fowl and hog). This is a complement to uri-merom ,
and implies that a man’s farmyard and poultry is all that
can be desired.

Uri-aranran (bullock and yoke), wealth in cattle (it implies that a
man is rich in cattle, and that he can turn out several
yokes of oxen),

Sadom-chatom (horse and umbrella), greatness , highest loealth .

Sadomchatom mendtem, a great man, an aristocrat (literally, one
possessing a pony and an umbrella).

Kutiim-hupul (relations and friends), \ Good and extensive family

I connexions , good social

JELaga-boea (relations and brothers), * * position.

Rittum JcupulJco mendkoataia, — He is a man of good connexions,
i.e., he is received as a guest (with rice beer) in many
families.

Tari-Iotaf ( a brass-plate and a brass vessel) is the Mundari equivalent
of crockery and plate of a wealthy European family. It

* This expression is purely Hindi, The Mundas never use bullocks for the purpose of
carrying anything.

186

MUNDARl GRAMMAR,

implies a house where the xneais are served in the best
style,

Sakam-karka df (leaf and tooth-cleaner, i.e., a thin stick of green sal-
wood is fumed into a tooth-brush by chewing one end of it
for a while. Some leaves are stitched together with wooden
needles so as to form a kind of dish. In this dish the food
is placed). This Compound might be said to denote the
ordinary man’s talk-service if the Mundas possessed any
tables. As it is the Mundas squat on the ground to eat.
The fingers of the right hand serve as spoon and fork.

Chatu-ltmdi (earthen pot and ladel ), cooking utensils .

EaM-timld (winnowing -shovel and basket), the housewife *s working
utensils .

Naifjkaranran (plough and joke), the cultivators ' gear .

NangiU-pal (a leather strap wherewith plough is attached to yoke
and a plough share), the cultivators' gear .

Oainti kud f lam (pickaxe and hoe), the earth-worker's implements ,

Arsar (bow and arrow), a how,

Rapi-tarauri (axe and sword), )

, ? Weapons, armaments.

A- sow k (pi (bow, arrow and axe), '

Lijd-sini (cloth and ? ), a good wardrobe (implies wealth).

8ered'-Mja ' (a rag and a cloth), the necessary clothing .

Mand i-utu (cooked rice and stew), abundant food . Mandiutu
mendlenz , — One who has a good fare.

lU-saba (rice beer and dregs), a grand dinner.

Ard-sakam (herbs and leaves, i.e., the leaves of some trees which
are eaten), vegetables.

Tasad'-busu (grass and straw), abundant fodder for cattle .

SimuM-bulimg (oil and salt), the bare necessaries of life. Sunum
bulling ham purmmre chikanamentem doMa ! is a frequent
reproach of the mother-in-law : 'Why didst thou marry
my daughter if thou canst a milt not give her even the
hare necessaries of life !

Buhing-tamaku (salt and tobacco), the weekly market purchases ,
the weekly bazar.

Ord-duar (house and door), one's circumstances (of poverty, ease or
wealth), especially used in the expression a Orddiiar nenet.

Part IV.

ORDINARY COMPOUND WORDS.

187

to go and enquire into some one’s circumstances before
arranging a marriage. With mend without any qualifica-
tion it means to be established in life, to have a house and
home of one’s own.

Smm-karam (dance and karam, i.e,, a certain religious ceremony
used in many parts), a feast.

Dumang dmgifi^ (drum and girl), a dance.

Gara-dora (river and ravine), broken ground.

Buru-bera (mountain and plain), everywhere , all over.

mT-tingun (to sit and to stand), to be on speaking terms, to be friendly
with, v.gr., Nido alelo dubtinguno kaea,— This man is on
bad terms with us, i.e., he does not even sit or stand with
us.

Nala-tumbal (to work for wages and to glean), to live from hand to
mouth , v.gr., nado nalatumbaUele asuldtana , — We are now
living from hand to mouth.

Gerang-ruiud' (to moan and to pine), to be in great pain, severe

~ illness. En or&re gerang - ruiud’ - tangeako , — There is severe
illness in that house.

Ol-parau (to write and read), learning, education, v. gr.’
Ql -parauahanae , he has a good education; he is a learned
"man. (Note the Passive form ; literally, he is a written and
read man..)

Adjectives are similarly co-ordinated without any Conjunctive
Particle.

Sendeara, black and white ; pundiard, white and red.

ORDINARY COMPOUND WORDS.

J . — Compound Nouns.

In these Nouns the specifying word stands first just as in
English, •v.gr., ordduar, house-door; mdombo, horse-head. This
kind of composition is used more extensively in Mundari than in
English. Hence the specifying Noun has sometimes to he translated
into English by an Adjective, sometimes even by a Relative Clause:
Birsim, a wild fowl ; birsukuri, a wild boar; birhoro, a caste of men
who live exclusively in the forest?. Hatusim , a tame fowl.

b 24

188

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

Sometimes it must be translated by a Norm depending on a Preposi-
tion, or even by an Adverbial phrase—

Chatomord {diatom, an umbrella), a bouse with a roof like an
umbrella, ie., with a roof sloping down on all four sides.

The formation of Compound Nouns by means of the Pronominal
Affixes i (ni), king and ko to the Possessive forms in ren or ten has been
explained in the chapter on Equivalents of Declensions (pages 94, 95,
and 96) and on Possessive Adjectives.

Instrumental Nouns are formed by suffixing the Impersonal Pro-
noun d, it, something to the Instrumental Case of Participles. These
Participles may stand in the Indeterminate, the Present or the Past
Tenses. Ka may be prefixed like the a privativum. LUmo, to get
wet Ka-lumotea , a water-proof, i.e., something by means of which
one won’t get wet.

XJiugo , to fall: Ra-uiugotea, a parapet, i.e., something by means
of which one won’t fall.

01, to write. Oltea, writing materials (paper, pen, and ink).
Ne pata olkented , — The pen with which this deed was written , Botoe, a
waist-cloth for men to cover one’s self decently. Hence botodn
(Reflexive Voice) to tie a cloth round one’s own waist. Hence botodnted ,
a cloth wherewith to cover one’s self decently. Bum, to shelter.
Surun , to shelter one’s self. Surunted , a shelter against rain or sun, an
umbrella or anything of that kind.

Nouns denoting materials are obtained by adding the Impersonal
Pronoun d to the bare root or to the Passive in 6 . An e is generally
inserted between the bare root and d.

Jom, to eat, jomed, eatables. Her , to sow; hered, seed grains;
hero, to be sown ; herod, land to be sown.

II — Compound Predicates .

la most cases the modifying word, whether predicative or demon-
strative, stands second.

(1) Compounds consisting of a Predicative root and a Postposition.—*
In Mundari the Compound Postpositions denoting rest or motion to or
from are freely used by themselves alone as Transitive or Intransitive
Predicates. In these cases Predicative roots denoting motion, such as
sen, mr , etc., and equivalents or synonyms of the Verb to put, such as

Part IY. compound predicates. 189

do, eto., are generally to be understood from the context or the circum-
stances, v.g>\, aiar, to put something or some one lef ore some one eke
(i anteponere ) — Amro, to be ahead, to go ahead . Taiom , to place behind
{postponere) , to put off. Taiomb , to lag behind, to be left behind
Chelan , to put or place above or to raise up* Chetano, to be raised , to be
above ,

On account of this use of the Postpositions, Compound Predicates,
consisting of a Predicative root and a Postposition, are comparatively
rare in Mundari ; Aiar, sida and parom are almost the only Postposi-
tions used freely in Compounds, : lelaiar, to look* ahead, to foresee ;
aiumsida , lo first hear and to be the first to hear ; hir parom, to run
across.

Such words as the Latin retrospicere , superponere must be rendered
by using the Postpositions adverbially, v*gr. 9 taiomsdte lel 9 to look
backwards ; chetanre do, to put above or upon or on top of.

Transfer of Postpositions to the moral or ideal sphere having
hardly begun in Mundari, such Compounds as to suppose , to respect ,

, to imply , to condescend } etc., etc., do not exist.

Some of these words can hardly be rendered at all in Mundari ;
others must be rendered by circumlocutions, and some of the ideas
denoted are expressed by distinct words, chiefly of foreign, origin, v.gr.,
chema , to condone, to j^rdon ; mangling , to mpeot ; puja , to adore,
to worship ; mdrang , to exalt, to praise.

A very common way of forming Compounds consists in juxtaposing
two and sometimes three Transitive or Intransitive Predicates. The
Yoice, Mood, and Tense-suffixes are added to the last of the juxtaposed
words. In these Compounds the first word generally performs the
function of a modifying Participial Clause of Cause or Manner . Hence
it can frequently be rendered into English by means of the word by
introducing a Participle. However, other modes of rendering the
modifying or first part of these Compounds must occasionally be used
as the following examples will show : —

Pul 6, to be drunk, durum, to sleep. Hence buldurumS , to fall
asleep on account of being drunk, to fall asleep in a fit of drunkenness.
Jetana kae rnundia , biildurumakanae, — He won’t understand anything :
he is asleep in a fit of drunkenness.

180

MUNDAR.I GRAMMAR.

Hered', to weed; nala, to gain a daily wage. Hence hered'nala, —
to earn one’s (daily) sustenance by weeding (other people’s rice-fields).

Tiga, to tread, to trample; mm, to find, to discover. Hence
tiganam, to find or discover something by treading on it. Sola aiub no
chakuing tiganamlct , ““Yesterday evening 1 found this penknife by
treading on it. Bagrau, to spoil. Hence tigabagrm ,— to spoil some-
thing by trampling on it. Eirsukuriko babatcieko tigccbagrciukedu , The
wild boars have destroyed his paddy by trampling on it.

Mebed', to force or squeeze in between ; goe, to kill ; gojo (for goeo),
to die. Hence rebed' god ,— to kill by squeezing between two objects,
and rebed' gojo, to *be killed by being squeezed. En Itera huangre
migmcM ^rded/go^am , — That buffalo falling into a precipice was

killed by being jammed (between two rooks).

Although the word rebed' in this example be itself in the

Passive Toice, it does not take a separate Passive Affix—

Ear, to drive ; urung, to take, bring, or carry out, to cause to go out.
Henoe harurmg , to drive out, to expel.

Ader, to take, bring or carry inside, to cause to go inside. Hence
harader t to drive in.

Tuing, to shoot an arrow ; goe, to kill. Hence tninggoi, to kill with
an arrow.

Tote, to shoot with a gun. Hence tojegoi, to kill with a gun-

^Tam, to strike with a club or stick. Hence tamgoi, to kill with
clubs or sticks.

Gara to dig. Hence garaurung , to dig out, to unearth.

Topa, to bury. Hence topagoi, to bury alive, i.e., to kill by burying.
Kaji, to say, to speak ; denga, to help. Hence kqpdenga, to help
by speaking (for some one), to plead, to intercede for. This is always
Transitive in Mundari : letaeo kako kagidmgoj ^ ,-- There is nobody to
intercede or plead for him.

Si, to plough. Hence sidenga, to help somebody to plough.

The examples given above suffice to familiarize the student with this
kind of formation to which there is, so to say, no limit in Mundari.
However, certain compounds belonging to this class present greater
difficulties to the foreigner, not only because they cannot be translated

Part IY.

COMPOUND PREDICATES#

m

literally into any Aryan language, but also because it is impossible to
lay down any uniform or general rule for their translation.

Ld denotes excess in general. It may be used as a Quantitative
Adjective# In this case the terminus which is exceeded takes the
Suffix ete, v.gr., Sat takmte Idge, — More than one hundred rupees
Inieie Ide kuril darter, — He can jump further (or higher) than that one.

Ld is frequently used as an independent Predicate. If so, the
particular act in which the excess takes place is gathered from the
context or the circumstances. Ldkedako (transitive) may denote an
excess of any kind, v.gr they dag further or deeper, they rose higher,
they went or ran further, etc., etc.

When it is desirable or necessary to specify , i.e., to explicitly state
the nature of the act in which an excess takes place, then a com-
pound is formed by placing the word denoting that act before id .
But the terminus which is exceeded is generally not expressed in
Mundari, and since in these compounds Id does not denote an absolute
but a relative excess, the terminus must generelly be rendered into
English by some circumlocution.

Jom-!dkedako, — -literally, they exceeded in eating. Bufc this does
not imply an absolute excess. Hence it does not mean they ate too
much , but it means they ate more than their usual amount.

Om-laad'koae, — -literally, he exceeded in giving to them. This
means either : he gave them more than he otced them , or : more than he
usually does .

When Id concurs in this way with an Intransitive Predicate, the
resulting compound becomes Transitive . Hence the Transitive Tense-
suffixes must be used in the Past Tenses, v.gr., Sen-lakedae, — He
went beyond this or that terminus.

When the terminus which is exceeded is expressed, it takes the
Suffix ete, v.gr., Holaetee jomldkeda , — He ate more than he did
yesterday.

Bage means to abandon , to relinquish. In compounds it assumes
two different meanings

(1) It may retain the original meaning just quoted. In this
case the compound may be rendered into English
either (a) by a co-ordinate compound sentence in which
the equivalents of the words constituting the Mundari

192

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

Predicate are connected by means of the Conjunction
and — Ne lifae hudama-bagekeda, — He ihreio this cloth away
and left it there; Gopoi etejanchi Soma sangikotae nir-
bagekedfkoae, — As soon as the fight began Soma ran
away and abandoned his companions. ( b) Either word of
the Mundari compound may be rendered- by a Participial
clause : Sangikotae nirbageked'koae , — He ran away, aban-
doning his companions, or, he abandoned his companions
by running away,

N.B.— A very remarkable feature of these compounds consists in
the fact that, although the compound, as a grammatical unit, be
Transitive, the Intransitive part may still have its own Locative Case.
Et'kan kurie taikena, honko Asmmtee nir-bngetad'koa , — She was a bad
creature : she abandoned her children and ran away to Assam.

(2) Bage may mean to leave undone. These compounds, like
those described under (1), cannot be translated literally
by a corresponding English Compound Predicate. They
may be rendered either ( a ) by a Negative proposition in
which the equivalent of the first word in the Mundari
oompound stands as Predicate, whereas bage is simply
translated by the Negative Particle not or by the phrase not
to do. Bam jay are s i.bagekedako ,- — They did not plough
(the spot) close to the tree. Ne upon kaji ol-bageakadae , —
He has not written these four words.

In Imperative propositions bage is generally equivalent to the
Prohibitive Particle alo ! Baru japare s i-bagdam ! B on’ t plough close to
the tree ! Jilu jombagetam , kam sukuredo ! If thou do not like it (meat),
then don’t eai the meat. This implies that meat is mixed up with the
food served, and has consequently to be left aside by the peculiar
process of eating what is with it.

(5) The Compounds may be translated by rendering bage by
means of to leave, to omit. In this case the first part of the Compound
must be rendered either by a Passive Participle with the Prefix un
or by an Infinitive Clause —

Barajapare si-bageke dako, — They left (the spot) near the tree m-
ploughed. Ne upunia kajie ol-bageked a, — He omitted to write these
four words, or, he omitted these four words when writing.

Part IV.

COMPOUND PREDICATES*

198

Sard means to leave over; saved,— to remain, over, to be over , In
Compounds it is, like huge, used with two distinct meanings —

(1) It may keep its original meaning* In that case the first part
of the Mundari Compound is reduplicated, v. gr *, ool-sard , joom-sari,
Md-sard, siu-sard. In rendering these Compounds the equivalent
of sard stands as Predicate, whereas the reduplicated first part is
translated by an Active or a Passive Infinitive Clause.

Aiub'mente huringlekaing joom-sarrakada, — I have kept or left a
little over to eat in the evening* Eta sanjmente bar priste ool-sard
akada , — He has left two pages over to be written this afternoon (he has
left for this afternoon two pages to be written)*

(2) Sard is sometimes used as a synonym of hage in the Com-
pounds described on page 192 under (2). In this case the first part of
• the Compound is not reduplicated— '

Bam japare si-sardtam, or si-bagetam , — BonH plough close to the
tree, Jilu jorn-sarekedae , or jom-bagekeda e 9 — Me did not eat the meat
(which was mixed with his food)*

JJrnm is not used independently. Added to words denoting sense
perceptions, it means to recognize : thus ieUurum , — to recognize by sight ;
aium-umm 9 — to recognize by hearing; s oan-urum or ji-urum ^to reoo g„
nize by smelling; jom-urnm ,— to recognize by the taste; chapu-umm, —
to recognize by the touch ; ehanad-urum , — to recognize by the feeling an
object causes on the sole of the foot when it is trodden on.

Since there is no general term equivalent to the English Yerb to
recognize , the foreign student must be careful to prefix the right word to
urum in every particular case. A few examples by way of illus-
tration—

Will you recognize those men if you see them? En horokom
lelurumkoachi ? (Her© the clause if yon see them is sufficiently ren-
dered by the word hi). I did not see him, but I recognized his voice,—
Leldo kaing lelUa mendo aiumnrimHaing . Sonchita ne laiaria ,
soanurumjdiaing , — The leopard is in this den : I recognize him by
the smell.

194

MONDARI GRAMMAR.

The following deserve special notice on account of the change of
meaning which, from our point of view, they undergo when added
to other Predicates : —

Au (agu ) means to bring, to fetch In Compounds it is used with two
distinct meanings —

(1) It primarily denotes a motion from a distance to the
speaker or to a fixed point. Thus it is synonymous with ete.,
from. Hence when suffixed to a Predicate, it implies that the action or
effect denoted by that Predicate is conceived as approaching the speaker,
v. gr., Soanjdind , — I perceive a smell. Soan-aujdind , — I perceive a
smell coming from a distance in this direction. Lei, to see . Hence
lel -anjad' koaing, —L see them coming this way ; M-auiaing ,~l shall wait
here to see him come in. These examples suffice to show how much
the hearer has to gather from context and circumstances for a correct
understanding of these Compounds as well as for a correct rendering
into English. Like ete, from, the above primary meaning o£ au in
Compounds may be transferred to time. If so, au implies that th©
action denoted by the first part of the Compound has been going on
from a more or less remote past up to che present time with a physical
or moral continuity —

Ne haturenko modhisi sirmatdete malko omaujada aingtd , — The
people of this village have always paid their rent to me for the last
twenty years. Neado nangrenhotdete aiim-aujana , — This is a tradition
since time immemorial; literally, this has always been heard from those
of former or olden times.

(2) Au, inasmuch as it is equivalent to the English to fetch , i.e>,
to go and bring , implies a going from one place for the purpose of per-
forming the action denoted by the first part of the Compound, and
then an immediate return to the place one had left. These Compounds
can neither be rendered literally into English, nor yet always by the
same kind of circumlocution.

Atari hen! dding nu-au-k-a ! Wait a moment hey! till I have been
for a drink! Literally , Not yet hey ! (le., don't start as yet), Let me
go to drink and return (to you).

Ju lehaume ! Gro and bring news, i. e. ? Go, see what is going on and
return to inform me or us.

Part IV.

COMPOUND PREDICATES.

195

Aege aiunuaulde, — He has been to bring news, i.e., lie has been to
hear by himself (what was being said or done) and has come back to
report it. Lijakole nnr-auMa / May we go, please, to wash our olothes !

JF.Bt — From the Munda’s point of view au does not undergo any change of meaning. He
seems to conceive the first part of the Compound substantively— JVw, a drink ; Id, a look ; ahm s
a hearing ; mir, a wash. Hence to him mi-au , lel-au, aium-au, niir-mi means, literally, to
bring or to fetch a drink, to bring or to fetch a look [at something ), to bring or fetch a hearing f to
bring a wash,

Idi means to take something or some one to some place or person , In
Compounds it denotes a continuation or a constant repetition of the
action denoted by the first word of the Compound—

Farau-idime t Continue reading ; literally, take the reading further on.
Setako han daru JiaU solka-idiMoko, — The dogs continued or kept
biting (the bullock) up to yonder tree.

JST.B.—fflridi simply denotes a running from, just as nirau denotes a running to the
speaker. Niridilde,~llQ ran to such or such a place or person.

Peri means to fill. It is added to other Predicates with its
original meaning, but in a manner in which we would hardly expect it.
In translations peri must be rendered separately either by the Verb to
fill or by the Adjective jW or sometimes by the Adverb entirely or the
phrase in full, v.gn, I)ub f -perilako, — The whole place was full of people
sitting down; [literally They; sat (the place) full]. Turn per ikiako,—
They stung Mm all over . Hal-peread'hoae^IL® paid them in full \ i.e.,
as much as he owed them.

Giri means to throw aivay. Added to other Predicates, it denotes
a Superlative degree , an excess or a climax . It is generally synony.
mous with the Superlative Affix titer, but it is used only to denote mental
or physical states. Ealu-girijanako balu-uterjanako, — They got utterly
dumbfounded. Abud kajite miad ' kitab peri-girikedabut aid We have
filled entirely one of his books with our words. JSTe daru cham~giriakana, —
This tree is entirely seasoned.

Bn inimg mulmnin-girijanaing ^l am perfectly disgusted with that
game,

Pharchi means to cleanse , to clean aivay . In Compounds it becomes
synonymous with the Superlative Affix uter.

b 9*

195

MTJNDAKI GKAMMAE. ,

Wheieas gin in Compounds always denotes a state as the result of
some action, pharcM exhibits the action itself as carried right through
to its natural terminus or completion.

Misa gitite ang-pharckiaing ,— (If I) once get to lie down I dawn it
entirely . Ang means dawn; used intransitively it means to continue
till daybreak. In the above sentence the Predicate ang derives its
particular meaning from its proximity to gitite, which means to go to
sleep {literally, to goto lie down). Hence here ang means to continue
to sleep till daybreak. JPMrcM added to ang implies that the sleeping
is not interrupted even for a single moment. Hence the sentence
may be rendered thus : Once I go to sleep, I never wake till daybreak.

Eifing-pharchikedaing , — I have entirely forgotten it, I can’t
remember anything of it, however much I may try to.

Bai means to make , to arrange, to prepare, v. gr ., Orale bottom , —

We are busy making (building) a house.

In Compounds it keeps this signification whenever it stands first.
JKekate bai-biurkako ,— Let them arrange it right around in this way.
JPachrie bai-raM/keda, —Re has raised the walls {literally, he made the
walls up to the top).

When bai stands seoond in Compounds, it becomes equivalent to the
E n g lish Adverbs : carefully, properly, well, one by one.

Biur-baikako, — Let them turn it round carefully. Entedoko rakatt-
baikeda,— Then they raised it carefully. Kaing amm-baikeda, —l did
not hear it properly. 1 Ve Jo halang-baipc ,— Gather up these fruits
one by one.

Part IV. compound predicates. 197

Hundi means to gather , to collect . It keeps this meaning in Com-
pounds when it stands first* But when it stands second it becomes
equivalent to the English many, plenty . Duarhu ni-hmdita ! Let us
open plenty of outlets or doors.

The English Verbs to see, to hear, to feel, and their synonyms have
often an Infinitive or a Participial Clause as Direct Objects, v. gr I
saw him come in ; I heard him singing . The corresponding Mundari
words lei, aium, and at'kar differ from each other in their construction.

Lei admits of four different constructions : —

may take a Participle as modifying a Pronominal Direct
Object. The Object itself is of course inserted into lei : I saw him
Ploughing that field , — Bn piri sitan -ing lelk-La*

2nd . — The same construction may be used with this difference that
the bare Participle takes the Postposition re, and is consequently trans-
formed into an Adverbial Clause of Time : Bn piri sitanre -ng lelk-i-a , —
I saw him when he was ploughing that field.

Both these constructions are, however, ambiguous because the
Participle may refer to the Subject as well as the Object, so that
sitaning lelkza or sitanreng leilcia may mean also, I saw him when I
was ploughing. Hence when either of these constructions is used, the
context and the circumstances must be attended to.

If instead of re_ the Postposition 16_ be suffixed to the Participle, it
is understood that the Participle is an Adverbial Clause modifying the
Subject and not the Object. Sitanloing lelkia , — -I saw him whilst
I was ploughing.

3rd . — Instead of the constructions described under 1st and 2nd, the
Mundas very frequently form a Compound Predicate in which lei stands
first, and the word denoting the action which is seen stands second.
Lel-siked' -koaing , — I saw them ploughing. Lehnirjad f hoain g , — I see
them running away. Lel-olked' meeting y — I saw thee writing.

198

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

In these Compounds the ambiguity mentioned in 1st and 2nd does
not exist. But whenever the second part of the Compound is a Transi-
tive word, there arises an ambiguity of a different kind. The Transitive
word may have a Passive meaning, but it can never take a Passive
Affix, because the Voice of the Compound as such is determined by
lei which is necessarily Active in the Compound. Thus lel-tam-
ked'koaing may mean either I saw them whilst they were beating one or
more others, or I saw them being beaten . Here, again, context and
circumstances must decide.

Ahm -M— It may take a bare Participle preceding the Pronom-

inal Subject, v. gr Jagartan-ing aiumlda,—! heard him speaking.

8nd . — Instead of a Participle it may take the Infinitive or hare
root, v, gr., Jagw-ing ahrnMa , — I beard him speaking; Durang-bu
aiumlcoa ! Let us hear them singing.

3rd . — Sometimes it forms a Compound with another Predicate. If
so, it stands second. This construction seems to differ from the above
only by the transposition of the Pronominal Subject—

tTagaraiumMaing ,— I heard him speak ; Duran gain mkkdn g , — I

heard him sing.

At'kar , which is generally constructed impersonally, does not concur
■with other Predicates to form Compounds. The Participle depending
on it takes the affix leka , like , as though , as if , . I felt a snake pass over
mQ^Sing l eng paromjdingleka at'karMna; literally, I felt as though a
snake were creeping across me v

Per missives and Camatms are formed by adding any of the three
following to Transitive or Intransitive Predicates; rika, in o r Mi .

Paet IV.

COMPOUND PREDICATES.

199

The context and the circumstances must decide whether these
Compounds do iu a given case denote real causation or a mere permission
or a favour —

Hiju-rikaked'koae ... \ j either He caused them to come,

Hijii-iriked'Jcoae ... > may mean ? he made them come, or

Miju-ichiked'hoae ... ! (he allowed them to come.

Iri and ichi are used only as Causative or Permissive affixes.

Rika is used also as an independent Predicate, meaning to do .
CMlekateko rikakeda ? is equivalent to chileJcakedako ? How have
they done it ?

Idiomatically rika is also used to denote a sound thrashing . KhuVho
rikaHa, — They gave him a sound thrashing .

Ruar or rum means to return. Added to other Predicates, it
performs the function of the Latin and English Prefix re.

0/, to write; hence ol-ruar 9 to rewrite* Om-ruar , redd&re, to
return, to give hack. Bai-mar, reficere, to repair.

EH means to begin. Added to other Predicates, it yields
Incentives.

Ol-eH , to commence writing. Inung-eH, to begin to play.

JB. oka means to cease , to stop . Added to other Predicates, it implies
that the action denoted fey them ceases.

Ol-hoka , to cease writing. Immg-hoka, to stop playing.

’ Chaha means to complete, to finish . Added to other Predicates
it yields Completive Compounds. These differ from the Compounds
with hoka, inasmuch as they imply the real completion of a work or
action, whereas those with holca denote a mere cessation of a work or
action whioh does not necessarily imply completion.

200

MUNBARI GRAMMAR,

Ol-chabakedae f-ILs finished the whole piece of writing which he had
undertaken. Jomchabakedae may mean he has finished his meal,

he has eaten as much as he wanted, or, he has eaten everyt hin g
that was set before him.

The following occur only as Affixes in compound words : bara, tab
or ba. They perform the function of Adverbs, but they are no longer
used as independent Adverbs, Bara means about f here and there , now
and then •

Sen-bara, to walk or go about Bu-bara, to pierce or make holes
here and there in something. ChuJc-bara y to make a mistake notv and
then.

Tab or ha means quickly , fast RijUab, to come quick. Nir»tab,
to run fast. Ol4ab> to write fast.

TuJca is used only as an affix, and has the same meaning as the
Hindi rakhna in the expression bolrakho .

It implies that an action already begun is to be interrupted for the
purpose of doing that which is denoted by the word to which tuka is
prefixed. It may also imply thS momentary leaving of a place for the
purpose of doing the act denoted by the word to which tuka is suffixed*

J Kaji-tukaime ! Tell Mm (this or that) first ( and then continue your
present work , or, and then return). Ne horoko lel-tukakom ! See them
men safely out (or in) (and then continue your present work or and then
return ).

Adverbs are by preference suffixed to their Predicates so as to
form a Compound. In these Compounds the Adverbial Affixes te , leka
or Mate are never used with the Adverbs.

Bes, well . . Hence Kaing lel-besked'koa, — I did not see them well*
Marang, long ago, in the beginning. Aege eser-maranglde , — He was
the first to take possession. Bai-poktaakadae, — He has made it solidly.

When Adverbs are separated from their Predicates they generally
take the Affixes te, leka or lekate re , ete^ or ate. Beskkate kaing

fitted' koa* Marangree eserla. Poktatee imdkada .

Part IV.

SUBORDINATE CLAUSES.

201

SUBORDINATE CLAUSES. ■

Since in Mundari tlie Syntax or description of the Proposition as
such coincides with the Etymology of the language, a special syntactical
part would amount only to a repetition of what has already been
explained in the Introduction and through the various ohapters on
Etymology.

Nevertheless, because the rendering of English subordinate clauses
presents such considerable difficulties, I here subjoin a summary
recapitulation on this subject with a number of examples which
I give word for word as I noted them occasionally from the lips of
Mundas who are ignorant of Hindi. To these I add a number of
similary collected examples in which words are transferred from their
primary functions, or that whieh we are inclined to consider as their
primary functions, to the function of Transitive or Intransitive Predi-
cates. These examples must not be looked upon as exceptional and
rare idiomatioisms which the average Munda would but seldom use.
On the contrary, the less a Munda knows of Hindi, the more he is
given to this characteristic transfer of function.

I.— Relative Clauses.

The Substantive and Adjective functions of Tense-forms have been
fully explained in preceding pages. (See Introduction from pages xxv
to xxxi and pages lv and lvi and Grammar, pages 120 and 121.)

Marheu! sidalenko Mjupe / He I those who came in first, come here !
Samrom namlcen gomkeko ne bangaloreko taikena, — The Europeans
who were looking for gold lived in this bungalow.

He Hanedo med banolekai senbaratanae, — That Nane walks about

like one who has no eyes.

Ale paraukentea kitabing namtcncc , — I want the book in which we
were reading, i.e., which served as our reader. (Note how in this the
Participle parauken is turned into an Instrumental Noun, although
it qualifies the word kitab.)

Ka duhkand duleben, — Water those (plants) which ham not been
watered. (Note bow the word dul, which means to pour anything, is
used here in the sense of to water owing to the context. The sentence
was used by a gardener directing two boys whilst watering the garden.)
Eatraakcma enako guinea , — They use the word . gutu to designate a
place which is covered with shrubs.

202

MUNDARX GRAMMARS

Net&re miad ka-urungjan diyasela ing mmla , — Here I found a match
which has not yd hem fired . ( TJnmgo , fa com# is used of matches like
the English fa go off is used of explosives.)

RancMtenho aurilco ruara, — Those who go to Ranchi (i,e, 9 those who
are in charge of this law-suit, and who consequently have to go to
Ranchi for each hearing of the case) are not yet back.

Sen merom hale mahia bonder goeai horo haetaikena mente , — We did
not cut (i.e, 9 kill) that goat the other day because the man for ivhom ive
were to hill it was not there (at our place), i,e. 9 because the guest, in
whose honour we were going to kill it, did not turn up. (Here we
have the Euture Tense with an Indirect Pronominal Object: goe-ai.)

En orA ondorled'leha nado Mod , — Now that house looks as if some
one had recently burnt it down (put fire to it),

Rula h uahdid maiomre tupuakad lija haho fusing t, mendo pagrireko
tolmodea haredo maiangkdreko doea dhotilo oro dhoti banomdo botoere,—
They (the Mundas) do not wear around their neck a cloth which
they have clipped into the blood of a man whom a tiger has killed (literally,
bitten ), but they tie it up together with their turban or they put it
somewhere about their waist in their dhoti , and he tvho has no dhoti
(puts it) into his botod (a very narrow waist cloth). This sentence
was given in an explanation of the various charms Mundas wear
against tigers, snakes, and sickness.

The two preceding examples illustrate the Munda’s preference for
the use of Active Past Participles in cases where we would rather use
Participles of the Passive Voice .

Participial Nouns may without any other affix perform the func-
tion of a Circumstantial Clause of Manner —

Samadare Sant Petrus chahi sdbakadi menaia nereclo judahhae
chapaakcma ,— In Sarwada Saint Peter is represented with the keys
in his hands, but here he is pictured differently; literally , In Sarwada
there is St. Peter, one who keeps in Ms hands (Confcinuative Present)
the keys.

Indefinite Pronouns are sometimes used in correlation with Definite
Demonstratives, and thus perform the function of Relative Pronouns
(page 32). In reality, however, the sentence thus obtained consists -of
two Co-ordinate Propositions . The construction is comparatively rare
in districts where Hin^i is unknowr

PAET XV. SUBORDINATE CLAUSES. 208

Oko kaji Icaji sanajaia ena Jcae puchid'besdaria , — Some words which
he desires to say he cannot pronounce well. (He desires to pronounce
some words, those he cannot, etc.)

Okoe chetanre med'ea ini pojo med'le kajia, okoe bitterre medda ini
undimed' 9 — Some one is in the habit of opening his eyes wide (of eyeing
above) him we nickname pojo med' ; some one is in the habit of keeping
his eyes half-closed (eyeing inside) he is (nicknamed) an undu med\ .he.,
those who make big eyes are nicknamed, etc.

Okoe balbajadi racharee gitia 9 okoe rabangjadi biterre gitiae, — Those
who perspire sleep outside in front of the house, and those who feel
cold sleep inside. Literally , Some one there is who perspires (or a
perspirer) he sleeps outside, some one there is who feels cold, he sleeps
inside, j Babhaljadia , — he feels perspiring. Hence lalbaljadi 9 — one who,
etc. Rabangjadia , — he feels cold. Hence rabangjadi , —one who feels
cold.

Lekani Ukanldng , lekanko suffixed to Nouns must sometimes be
translated by an English Relative Clause, the Predicate of which has
to be gathered from the circumstances of the case.

Pakithkanko aunko sabchabaca , — Those who are of the size of Palcu
are not yet all caught. JDeosailekank o haltabeako , — Those who are as rich
as Deosai will pay quickly.

English sentences containing a Relative Clause are often cut up
into a question and an answer, thus yielding two Simple Principal
Propositions.

B ensure api horo dasi ko kamitanako chika ? Mid ' hero rdauime /*—
Go and call one of the three servants who work over there. (Are
there three servants working over there or not ? (lo and call one
of them hither.)

II.— Conditional Sentences.

A conditional sentence is one which states a contingency or fact as
depending on a given condition. In Organic languages it is always a
compound sentence. The principal proposition is that which states the
fact. The dependent proposition is that which states the condition. It
is called the Conditional Clause, w.gr,, If he come (Conditional Clause)
I will leave (Principal proposition). The condition may be expressed
either as realizable or as unrealizable v A realizable condition, again,
may be expressed as probable or as improbable . In Organic languages

b 26

204

MTTNDAEX GRAMMAR.

these differences attaching to the manner in which the condition is
expressed cause changes in the Tense and Mood of the Yerbs of both
the Conditional and the principal proposition.

In the sentence If he come I will leave , the condition appears as
both realizable and probable or at least as apprehended,

A change of Tense in the Conditional and of Mood in the Principal
Proposition will make a realizable condition appear as improbable or
not apprehended, v.gr. 9 If he came I toould go .

Unrealizable conditions always demand a similar change of Tense
and Mood.

In Mundari the Conditional Sentence is really a simple proposition,
inasmuch as it contains but one Subject and one Predicate. The whole
Mundari Conditional Clause is reduced to an Adverbial Compound.

A further difference between Organic and Mundari conditional
sentences lies in the fact that neither the nature of the condition nor
the manner in which it is expressed ever cause any change of Tense
or Mood.

Condition is expressed by the Postposition re, in.

The following may be accepted as a safe, though purely mechanical,
method to form Conditional Clauses. The substitution of re for the
Copula a transforms any Mundari Tense-form into a correct Conditional
Clause.

Sen-a-ing, — I will go. &en~re-ng , if I go. Kaing sen-a • I won’t
go. Kaing sen~re,-*~* If I do not go. Raleko-a-ing , — I shall first call
them. Raleko-re-ng If I were first to call them. Raked'ko-a-m , —
Thou didst call them. Raked'ko-re-m , — If thou hadst called them.
Daio-a-ko,— They will be beaten. Dald-re-ko , — If they be beaten.
Dapaljan-a-king, They had a fight (were beating each other). Dapaljan *
recking, — If they had been beating*each other. Dasin-a-ko 9 —~ They will
engage themselves as servants. Dasin-re-ko , — If they engage as servants.

In these Conditional forms the Pronominal Affixes ing (ng)> m, e 9
lang 9 ling, etc,, etc., must, I think, be considered as Possessive Affixes, just
as in the expressions apu-ing, enga-m ,

The Tense-form together with its Pronominal Objects becomes a Noun
by th<? fact of its being no longer referred to a Subject by means of the
Copula a (see Introduction, pages xxvii, xxviii, xxix). Sen, — * the act
or th© ©ase of going. Rdleko,- — the act or the case of first calling them.
Rdked'ko , — the act or the case of having called them. In the Locati?

Part IV. subordinate clauses. 205

Case in re these compounds may be rendered thus: Sen-re 9 — in the ease
of.. .going. Mdleko-re , — in the case of.. .calling them first . If to this the
Possessive Affixes ing, m, e, etc., be added, we get : Senre-ng, — in my
going, or, in the case of my going. Ralelcore-m , — In thy calling them,
or, in the case of thy calling them.

The Conditional Clause may follow the Principal Proposition ; but
as a general rule it precedes it.

The Principal Proposition stands in that Tense of the Indicative
Mood which it would stand in if it were absolute, i.e n independent
of any condition.

Ranchite scnreng nam lijding auamea , — If I go to Ranchi, I will
bring a new cloth for thee*

The word honang or honanga placed after the Conditional form
implies that the condition is either unrealizable or at least that it is
considered as one which will certainly or probably not be realized,
though it might possibly be fulfilled.

Ranchite senreng honan g lijding auamea,— li I were to go to Ranchi
(which, under the circumstances, I cannot or will not do), I would bring
a cloth for thee.

Hwang may also be placed after the Principal proposition —
Ranchite senreng lijding auamea honanga .

Rdlekorem honang kachiko hzjua ? If thou wert first to call them
would’nt they come ? or Rdlekorem kaehiho liijiia honang m Gara
paromdarijanre Ranchiteng senkena honang, — I would have gone to
Ranchi if it had been possible to cross the river.

If it be desired to imply that the ©vent spoken of in the Principal
proposition would certainly take place if the condition were fulfilled,
then honang must be placed after the Conditional Clause and derang or

chimtuV are placed after the Principal Clause. Derang and chimad' are
not used after Predicates in the Past Tense. Ranchite senreng honang
lijding auamea derang,— I would certainly bring a cloth for thee if
I went (could go) to Ranchi.

I

206

MXTNDARI GRAMMAR,

J Wekorem honanga hijiiako derang If you were to oall them,
they would certainly come.

Conditional Clauses which, in English are introduced by but or even
suffix do or o respectively to re, v. giv —

But if you had called them, they would have come, — Raked'kore «
do-m hijideiidko honang .

If in Past Tense propositions it be desired to state that the event
would certainly have taken place had the condition been fulfilled, then
the Adverb sartige or sartige dang is used instead of derang . This
Adverb precedes the Predicate, whereas honang follows it. Raked'kore-
do~m sartigedangko hijiilena honang , — But if thou hadsfc oalled them,
they would most certainly have come.

Rdked'kore-o-m kako hijiilena honang , — Even if thou hadst called
them, they would not have come.

The ordinary construction of the Principal proposition may be
replaced by the following idiomatic construction :

The Instrumental Suffix tea is substituted for the Copula after the
Predicate of the Principal Clause, and the Pronominal Subject is affixed
to the word immediately preceding the Predicate—

Raked'korem mrtigeko Mjujan-iea honang, for hijiijana honang.

Taka taekenre honang en hatuing auked'ied for aukeda, — If I had had
money (literally, if there had been money), I would have taken (i.e, 9
bought) that village. Sadom kae taekenre kae sendarited honang, — If he
had had no horse, he would probably be unable to go. Sadom bangaire
honang kae sendarited derang or chimad', — If he had no horse, he would
certainly be unable to go.

The only explanation I can offer of the construction in ted is this :
It may be considered as an elliptical impersonal proposition, in which
the Predicates there is, there would be, there would have been a means
are understood.

Thus Taka taekenre en hatuing auked'ied ... honang, — Had 1 had
money, there would have been wherewithal to buy that village or

Part IV.

SUBORDINATE CLAUSES,

207

wherewith I might have bought that village, = Taka taekenre en haiuing
aukented taekena honang.

Sodom bangdire kae sendarited honang = ae sendarited ka taekena
honang , — If he had no horse, there would be no means of his going or
no means whereby he could go.

In all the above constructions the use of the Simple or the Emphatic
Personal Pronominal Subjects follows the rules given above (pages 12
and 13).

When the Subject of the Conditional Clause is the same as that of
the Principal proposition, it need not be expressed twice —

If I go, I will give it to you, — Senre-ng omamea. In this case the
Affix ng after senre must of course be considered as Subject to omamea
and no longer as Possessive Affix to se nre .

Isolated Conditional Clauses are frequently used in conversation to
replace a negative reply. These replies are generally followed by
chi or oro or chi oro. They contain the reason of the expected nega-
tive reply. The same construction is often used sarcastically.

Didst thou bring a cloth for me ? Lijdm audimcM ? Instead of
simply replying no, I didn't , the Munda will very frequently assign the
condition on which the bringing of a new cloth depends, v.gr, 9 If I
had money! Paisa mendre chi! or paisa menarechi oro ! or If I had
gone to the market, — Piiteng seiikenrechi !

Have you sown that field? En pirim hemkada ? Not yet? Silerechi!
Here even the Pronominal Affix is wanting, If I had first ploughed it
(then I might have sown it). A free but correct translation of the
idea implied is this : Sowed that . field ! Why that presupposes
ploughing, a thing I have yet to do. The Principal Clause is often
added to these replies.

Lijdm auainachi l Paisa mendreching auamea honang! If I had
money, I might bring a cloth for thee. En pirim herakedachi ? Silerechi
herod honanga J If I first plough it, then there will be means of

sowing.

208

MTODARl GRAMMAR.

The Conditional Clause form is also used to make a polite sugges-
tion, v.gr. 9 Inta pantisoje dolekorehu honang , — Suppose we were to
arrange the bricks side by side in a straight line.

III.— Circumstantial Glauses of Time.

1* Re is used to express in a more or less loose manner the con-
comitance of a secondary event with that which is spoken of in the
principal proposition. Hence in this function re is translated by ichen,
at the time of. Circumstantial Clauses of Time are therefore obtained by
detaching the Copula a from any Mundard Transitive or Intransitive
Predicate and affixing re instead of the Copula.

Upuduh' tan-re enlekadole kajia , — We say so (we use the word chundiil)
when we are actually pointing out one another.

Hasu-reko patia , They will believe this (a warning to abstain from
bad meat) when they shall get sick ;

Aing ituldre khube monela ; nddoe landiajana , — He applied himself
seriously (to study) at the time when I teas teaching him ; but now he
has become lazy ;

Uiuilen-reng gaulena , — I 'got wounded when I had fallen down or
rather when I had first fallen . (Note the Anterior Past form which is
used to show that the act of falling immediately preceded the
wound, and is therefore considered as the cause.) Tjriko bankuatako-re
uriko Mend/co-t&reko siea , — When they (the Mundas) hare no oxen (of
their own) then they plough with those who have cattle.

To a question concerning the meaning of the word fa god the
following reply was given: Mochate * jomjan-re enako tagoea , — When
(something) has been eaten by or with the month that they call tagoe , i.e.,
to masticate.

Hansarcm iaeken-redo ing kajijad taekena, — But I was relating it whilst
you- were over there. ;y : x-v ;W .:.W

2. Lb and imta or i mtang are used instead of re to denote con-
comitance or simultaneity in the strict sense of the term. They must
therefore be rendered by at the moment 9 at the very time, just as 9 etc*
Cfomke Mju-lbge ghanta saripe ! Bing the bell as soon as the master comes .

PABT IV. SUBORDINATE CLAUSES.

Am ham tebakd-imtange nirjana,— He ran away just a little before you
arrived .

Te suffixed to any Predicate implies that the act or state signified
by itpreoedes the fact or state spoken of in the principal proposition.

Misa giti-te a ngphar chiding , — When or after ( I ) he down , I sleep In
one stretch till day-break. (KB — Here giti is in the Indeterminate
Tense because it denotes a habit or natural disposition.)

Mara! da han darure duUpe abungko-tc ,— He you! pour water on
around) yonder tree, after you have first iv ashed yourself. ( Abungko

is the Anterior Future Tense-form.)

To a complaint about the difficulties of the Mundari language
the following reply was given : Api-ehanduko-Udo huring huringem
bujauea,— But after three months will first have passed thou wilt under-
stand a little. (Here the phrase api chandu , three months , is used as an
Intransitive Predicate and stands in the Anterior Future Tense.)

CM is suffixed to Past Tense-forms to denote priority.

Enad'do apuing miad sadom idild-ehi orate aururalina, — 1 Then my
father having taken a pony to that place brought me back home.
Jomked'chiko joarkia ad'ko senojana, — Having eaten they greeted him
and went away.

Ate suffixed to a Tense-form implies that the state spoken of in the
principal clause has continued uninterruptedly ever since the event
signified by the Tense-form took place. These Temporal clauses are
often preceded by mod ! or mid! used adverbially and meaning in one
stretch —

Mod' hijulen-ate misao kae nirlena 9 ~From the moment he came zip to the
present , he did not run away. Ne ora mid' baiakan-ate jetatdre ha
bagrauakana 9 — This house has never got spoiled anywhere ever since

it has been built (made). Am hijiiakan-ate kako siea etwar Jmlang ,

Ever since you have come here they do no more plough on Sundays.

Red or ra may be suffixed to a Tense-form to denote a loose
simultaneity. Temporal Clauses of this kind are so characteristically
idiomatic that they defy any literal translation.

210

MUNDARI GRAMMAR.

Neado aputng mcndi-ra kajige, — This happened at the time when
my father teas still alive . (Kaji, a word , is often used as an equivalent
of the English an occurrence, an affair . Here the Principal Clause is
elliptical : Neado kajige for neado kaji land , — This is an occurrence.
The Genitive of Time apuing mendird depends on kaji. We might
say an occurrence of my father's time . But we could never use a
Present Tense-form even in the circumlocution : This is an occurrence !
of the time when my father was still alive). Neado sidared , baiar
sidjan-rd , — This happened before that, namely , on the occasion when the
rope snapped .

IV.— Causal Clauses.

Te may be suffixed to Tense-forms to denote cause and thus transform
them into Causal Clauses.

(JBuri) hola boloken-te chi orb na kae taina / Won’t (the bear) be
there now (in the den) since he entered yesterday ! i.e the bear is sure
to remain in the den still now because he entered it yesterday.

Inungo ka rasika tarako kakoatan-te , — There is no pleasure in playing
since or because some (boys) refuse (to play),

Pusio bang dire pusi / pusi ! chikanamentem koklatana ? Minaun minaun
ae menea-te, — What art thou shouting for a cat ! a cat ! when there is
no cat (about this house) at all ? Because he (the cat) says miau miau !

Sonsorod'ko baba* jomchabajadakotaind auri auri auritege , — The grass-
hoppers are eating up my whole crop of paddy because of my long
delays to reap it. { Auri means not yet . Here it is used intransitively,
and therefore means to delay , i.e,, to be always saying not yet ! not yet
not yet ! That the delay refers to the reaping must be gathered from
the context.)

Biringkedale imdinjan-te ,— We forgot 'it because it happened long
ago (because many days have passed). (Her© isudin, many days, is
used intransitively.)

Sentences containing Causal Clauses are often cut up into two
oo-ordinate Propositions.

Isu dmjana ; enatele riringkeda^Hmy days have passed since :
on account of that we forgot it.

Part IV.

SUBORDINATE CLAUSES.

211

Tar alto kahoatmia; ena-te immgo Im rasika, — A certain number of
boys refuse (to play) : on account of that there is no pleasure even in
playing.

Mente . This is the Causative form of men , to say (see pp. 61 and 175) .
Tliis men is not confined to the denotation of audible speech. It is often
used to signify an interior speaking to one’s self, and thus it becomes
equivalent to the English To believe , to think , to suppose, to be tender
the impression . Hence when it is suffixed to Tense-forms for the purpose
of denoting cause, it does by its very nature denote a subjective cause,
a reason, the perception of which impels a living agent. Accordingly
the Clause preceding mente is treated as a Direct-speech form, v.gr., He
punished me because I came late, becomes in Mundari, Saying u thou
earnest late,” he punished me, — Bilamjanam mentee sajaildfxa .

However, menie as Causal Affix is no longer restricted to this its
original meaning. It is now often treated as a mere Causal Affix in
which the signification of men, to say , is obliterated. Hence mente
may, like te, be used to denote cause in general and be construed also
in the same way —

Bilamjana-ing mentee sajaiMm,—ELe punished me because I came late.
(He keteakana mente chain to Urn , — It is impossible to hoe because the
ground is hard.

Causal Clauses are also formed by means of the Affix rcL These,
like the Temporal Clauses in red or ret, are characteristically idiomatic—

JSTe upun paisa, botol ka * perejan-rd, Here are four pice over
because the bottle has not been filled . (Literally, Here the four pice
of the not having been filled up bottle, Le., the four pice due back
to you for that amount (of oil) which is wanting towards the
filling of the bottle.)

To signify that a certain effect is not obtained notwithstanding
the existence of a cause which was thought sufficient to produce
that effect, the Affix o, even, is added to a Causal Clause in te.

Hela ! am upuniamedakan-te-o ham leljdiam, — Hallo ! thou doest not
see him (the bird), although thou heest four-eyed. (This was said to me
by an old Munda who had tried in vain to point out a bird to me

b 27

212

MUNDAKI GRAMMAR.

in tlie foliage of a tree* Ujprnia med\ four eyes, is used here in
the Perfect of the [Passive Voice, and is intended to denote spectacles
which, aided to the natural eyes, make up the four eyes spoken
of by the old man.)

Gono6 habu nirdaria rajaakan-te-o-ka , — Non© of us can escape death,
not even though we he kings .

Rokage nmdiled'te-o lute tebalda 9 ~~H® did not reach him (find
him alive any more), although he ran thither at once*

When the principal proposition is affirmative, this construction
implies that a certain effect is produced notwithstanding the exist-
ence of a cause which was thought sufficient to prevent that effect —

Jetana ha gunaked'te-o -le $ajaijana 9 —We were punished, although
we had committed no fault whatever.

The Affix o is sometimes omitted, especially in sarcastic apos-
trophies —

He 1 am ! seranakan-te-m kam daria ! What ! thou ! being such a
smart chap, thou canst not do it !

V„—FInal Clauses,

1st — They may be obtained by suffixing mente to the Optative
Mood-forms. Here it is necessary to keep in mind what has been
said concerning the rendering of the English Indirect-speech forms
into Mundari (see Introduction, pages Ivi and lvii).

With these Clauses mente really denotes a desire. Taken in
connection with the Optative form, it literally means, became I say
(to myself ), because thou sayest (to thyself ), etc., let this or that be done .
But this implies a desire.

Nirkae mente janaue erangjazha , — He is always scolding me in
order that I should run away; literally , Because he says (to
himself) : “ Let him run away ! ” he is always scolding me.

Horare alokako boroa mente handuke omad'lea; literally , Because
he says (to himself) : “Let them not fear on the way ” he gave us

Part IV. subordinate clauses. 218

a gun. Hence, freely : He gave us a gun in order that we might not
fear on the way.

Mundaokaing mente khube rikantana ; literally , Because he says (to
himself) : “ Let me become village-chief ! ” he bestirs himself a great
deal. Hence, freely, He bestirs himself a great deal in order to become
village-chief (in order that he should become village-chief).

%nd— The Optative without mente may be used to denote purpose.
The result is a Compound Sentence in which two propositions are
co-ordinated without any link-word ad hoc—

Aulding neUekae^J. brought in order that he might see it ; literally ,
I brought, let Mm see it.

3rd— The Instrumental Suffix te added to Tense -forms yields
sometimes Compounds which are best rendered into English by a Final
clause.

A boy asking another, who was digging a trench, what he was unto
received the following reply : Am topa-te gam,— (I am digging) a grave
to bury thee.

J 4 .H 1 ,' — The Substantive Instrumental Affix ted is used similarly : MiadJ
jo idikoaing Thomastd rasikanted gomke omlde mente 1 May I take one
fruit to Thomas wherewith or whereat he may rejoice himself because the
master has given it, literally, May I take one fruit to Thomas, a
wherewithal to rejoice himself because he will say the master gave
it. CMkanaben namtana ? What do you two want? lin-hon ddling
dul-tedy — A small tin in order that we (he and I) may pour water
(on the flower pots) ; literally, a wherewith to pour water we two.

5th . — Leka , like, yields strongly idiomatic Final clauses —

Guri suid'besepe hasald mido-leka, — Knead the cow manure properly
in order that it may mix perfectly with the earth; literally, to become like
one thing with the earth ; or knead the cowdung like becoming one thing
with the earth.

Ne art ghari hardario-leka chakareabu — Let us broaden this dam, so
that a cart may be driven over if ; literally, let us broaden this dam like
a cart being able to be driven t

214 MUNBATtl GRAMMAR.

VI,— Subordinate Clauses of Manner introduced by “ as
though,” “ as if,”

They are rendered into Mundari by affixing hka to any Tense-
form. These clauses are sometimes strongly elliptic, much having to
be gathered from, the context and the circumstances for their complete
understanding.

Sojege oltana roltad* -lek a, — He writes quite straight as though he
had ruled (his paper). Rol is the Mundarized English Verb to rule .
Hence roliadae , he has ruled (his paper).

JEn piala mb'tea banoleka m sabahada , — Thou art holding that cup as
if it had no handle .

IskuVionko nindirko jomki-lekako latabia , — The schoolboys will cut
his hair (so as to make him look) as though the white-ants had eaten Mm
(his hair).

Julab botolre mfalo-leka lelod rnendo itiliiila , — Castor oil when in a
bottle looks as though it could be drunk fast (m., it looks as fluid as
water), but it is very fatty.

When Clauses with the Affix leka modify the words tor , at'kar^
biswas , loro they express a belief \ an impression or an apprehension, and
therefore are equivalent to English clauses introduced by that , lest, or
Clauses standing as Direct Objects without any introductory word —

Enkaji olakm i-lekaing torkeda , — I am under the impression that that
word has been written down .

Batire sered ' band-leka ing torkeda , — I believe there is no wick in the
lamp.

Chaprasi padain g-lekc dng borojada , — I fear the chaprassi is going to
kick me ; literally, I apprehend the chaprassi as being about to kick me .

VII,— Restrictive Clauses.

Restrictive or limitative claims which in English are introduced
by as for * . . # , as far as ... . is concerned , with regard to, etc., are in
Mundari rendered in two ways:

2s£.— The bare root-form of the Predicate generally with, sometimes
without the Affix do is placed either before or after the complete
Predicate, Le , the Predicate with its formative affixes—

Kako tigakeda tig ado , as for trampling on it, that they have not
done. ^ '

Part IV.

SUBORDINATE CLAUSES.

215

A/edo Me hongatana bongo, , as far as devil-worship is concerned,
we do not worship devils.

Nirdo kale nir & 9 as for running away, that we won’t do.

Snd. — The repeated Predicate root is made to depend on the word
kaji and therefore takes the Suffix rd. In these expressions haji means
a matter , an affair , and it generally takes the Affix do. Tebaeako thing
teha-rti kgjidoj — They will reach to-day so far as the mere matter of
reaching is concerned.

VXIL — Correlative Clauses of Manner.

Since there are no distinct Correlative forms in Mundari, our Correl-
ative Clauses of Manner are rendered by simply suffixing lekg or Mate
to Tense-forms. The correlation must be guessed from the context.
These clauses are sometimes strongly elliptic.

Mero m atingdekae olre seheraea , — He writes as fast as a goat grazes ;
literally , When writing he hastens as much as (the mouth of) a
grazing goat.

Gerld-lekae latab'jana,—Ile is shorn as unevenly as if rats had nibbled
off his hair ; literally , He is shorn as if rats had nibbled or gnawed
him.

Ka sunumakan-lekae leloa , — He looks as untidy as one who has no
rubbed oil on his hair and body . ( Sunumen , to oil one’s self).

Nea ale bonder lumamko aukented-lehana (koto),— -This is a branch of
the same kind as the one on which we brought the silk-worms the other day ;

IX.— Correlative Clauses of Place.

Soma daru md-td mendia 9 — Soma is there where they cut the tree.
TiiingU-td sakidakan maiom menaakanagea, — There is still now coag-
ulated blood there where they shot him ivith an arrow.

Enad'do Untiked'chi sobenko mocVrele jojoma, oro ka-bijanklo aed titege
ord Jomae, ad' bijankodo apan jomkented chipi gasarkeate apart jomken
taead'rege dubhapeakanko taena etako auri jomchabayaJced, — Then after
saying the prayers we would all eat together, and if any one had not
enough { literally , and the not satiated one), he would of his own accord
take and eat more, and those who had their fill, having cleaned the
vessel from which they had eaten, would sit still in the place in which
they had eaten until the others would finish eating.

218

MUNDAEI QBAMHAE.

EXAMPLES SHOWING THE TRANSFER OF WORDS FROM THEIR

ORIGINAL FUNCTIONS TO THAT OF TRANSITIVE OR INTRANS-
ITIVE PREDICATES.

Dura t dust Buraotanaing, — I am getting covered with dust*

Sirma, roof ; chandae, ernes of a roof. Enado hah strmad
ch&ndaeale,~~*We don’t call that roof ; w@ call it eaves*

Ang, name of a Hindi letter . Ne aksar okoate Angotana 9 By
what (additional sign) does this letter (the Hindi a) become Ang ?

Hctsa , earth . Enure orole hasaea 9 Shall we throw more eartli
into that?

Bir, forest En hora bejai lirakana , — That road leads through dens©
forest* (Note that bird does not here mean to be covered with forest ,
as it would, v. gr., in the sentence En disum birakana.) The present
meaning, to lead through a forest , must be gathered from the nature
of the Subject, hora, a road, which of course cannot be covered with
forest*

Lacho , Up . Atiri-handomhkam lachoakana ! Thou hast got lips
like the rim of a chatu-cover.

Bar, the edge of a knife or sword • Mid'sd da rakana clii baramd 9

Is it single-edged or double-edged ?

Badnam , bad reputation. Aihae badnamtana ! He gives me a bad
reputation. (Note the Affix d to aing, cfr . Postpos. ; pages 42, 43, 44
and 45.)

Bilidd , honey {literally, bee-water). Niliko kako ddkeda, — The
bees have not made honey. (Note how the word nilida! is truncated
because the first part of the compound ocours as Subject of the
sentence —

Gitiora, — The village dormitory for young people . In most villages all
the boys and unmarried young men sleep, not in their respective houses,
but altogether in a separate house, or if there be that commodity,
in the dancing-house, called okra. The girls sleep in another house
under the guardianship of some old woman, generally a widow. These
dormitories are called gitiora* Gitiorddo kale gitiordta na , — As for the
public dormitories, we do not sleep there*

Bo, head. Nesdm Idea chi hansd 9 Shall I put your pillow this
side or that side? Literally , Will thou put thy head this side or
that side ? — Seiahonking misdr eking boakarn niralge ! The two pups are
so nicely sleeping head against head !

Pam? IV. examples showing the transfer oe words, etc. ^ 217

Dd 9 water* Ddakana neredo , — Here (it is watered) there is too
much water. (This was used by one of the coolies who was beating con-
crete in the foundations, and it was intended to convey the idea that there
was too much water in a particular part of the lime and stone mixture.)

Turam , bifurcation^ v.gr, 9 the point at which a branch starts from
the trunk. Nesdte miad f horaakana hansdteo miadf horaakana enaoko
turrnna , — When one road leads this way and another road leads that
way, that too they call turam , bifurcation,* i.e. 9 They also use the
word turam (bifurcation) to denote the branching off of a road in two
different directions. (Note the use of the absolute or categorical forms
horakana instead of the conditional forms, Negate miad! horaakanre 9 etc,)

Ord, house (in the Beflexive Voice). Aed kurio ordnjmae, -

His wife too left him, ie: 9 has gone back to her parents* house.

Konea> bride. Entedo en kuri oroe koneanfanae 9 — Then that woman
(a widow) married again, Le. } again made a bride of herself.

Rand a or kandae 9 a compartment 9 a room , a separate place in a house ,
etc. Jimbiri kamdaegea or Jcandaakana 9 — The jimbiri 9 i,e, 9 a peculiarly
constructed fish-trap, has several compartments.

Kuri % wife . Bariae huriked'kinga 9 — He took two wives.

Jomti 9 right hand (literally , the eating hand). Bumma hatulang
parcmeachi? Ka gomke jomUalang 9 — Shall we (thou and I) pass through
the village of Bumma ? No, Sir, we shall leave it to our right-hand
side, ie. 9 we shall pass on the left of Buruma.

Daruy tree. Neredang darulena 9 — It is in this place that the tree
stood. (Note the Anterior Past, darulena 9 — There was a tree here
formerly.)

Nida, night . Mandiah nddo gomke 9 nidaolea karedo holaleka 9 — We
will cook now, Sir, otherwise the night will again overtake us like
yesterday. [ Literally , It will become night (for) us.] Here the Noun
nida is first used in the Passive Voice ; then this Passive form is
retransferred to the Active function, and thus it takes the Inserted
Pronominal Direct Object Ie.

The more ordinary construction with such words as nida f aiub' 9 etc.,
consists In using them simply as Passive forms with the Personal
Pronouns as Subject. Nidaoale ; literally, we shall be nighted, i.e. 9 we
shall be overtaken by the night. Entedoko aiuVjana 9 ~ And then they
were delayed till evening .

m

MUNDAEI GUAM MAE*

Dohan , a shop . IVkfo cMkanae kcmitam ? Ghungi gomhee dokcmafcach , — -
What is he doing now? He is selling cigars; literally , he has made a
cigar shop.

lalca, rupee . Baba aJciringore takaoa, — If one can afford to sell
paddy, then one can make money. (Literally , If paddy be sold, rupees
will become.)

£7H, bullock ♦ Mahae urzked'koa, — He acquired bullocks last year.

Miad'em meromked'hore Dfkue kumlruia , miad'em simked'hore into
eidia , — The 2 amindar robs us of every goat or fowl we rear. (Literally,
If. thou rear a goat, the zamindar steals it : if thou rear a fowl that too
he takes. (For explanation of the Plural forms ko as Direct Objects
after miad' see pages 29 and 30.)

JDa, water, Nea chikana ? JDd chi mad' . Me mar mime daredo .
What is this? Water to be sure ! All right, drink it then if it be water .

Daru , wood, Ne huka chikana? Daruge, Mela ! darure cJiiamente ka
loa ? What is this pipe (what’s it made of) ? It is wood. How that !
If it be wood, why does it not burn ?

Dihu : Hindu. Oroe cldiuim , — Then he would again address me
in Hindi (Here the Indeterminate is used because the sentence
occurred in a vivid narration). Proper Nouns when thus used to denote
a particular language are more frequently construed intransitively .

Am Morore horoaingme tobe ! chikanam dikuaingtana ! If thou
be a Munda, well, then, speak Mundari to me ! What art thou address-
ing me in Hindi for ?

Gomkedang DikuMm oro ! But it was the master who nicknamed
me Diku. Chikanamentee enkaked'ma ? Misa misaing dikubaraea mente , —
Why did he call thee thus ? Because sometimes I speak a bit of Hindi*

l The way in which Patronymics are used transitively or intransi-
tively is especially puzzling —

Tenja-ing or tenja«ng , — My junior brother-in-law.

Tenjan gaining , — He is my junior brother-in-law, i.e I say to him:
my br other ~in-la%v.

Part IV. examples showing the transfer of words, etc. 219

Tenjangaiam ? Is he thy junior brother-in-law, Le., Doest thou say
to him : my brother-in-law ?

Tenjangaiae?— He is his junior brother-in-law, i.e., He says to hims
my brother-in-law.

Tenjangameae f Art thou his junior brother-in-law, i.e., Does he say
to thee: my junior brother-in-law.

The Possessive Affix may be omitted* In that case the Transitive
construction is preferred—

Mam-u , maternal uncle. Mamu-in-ae , — I am his maternal uncle, i.e.,
literally, he maternal-uncles me or, he calls me maternal uncle.

Mam%s~i-ain g, --lie is wy maternal uncle, i.e., I call him maternal
uncle.

Horo, man. Mimid ' horore babar horoked'kingae mentee darijam 9
karedo honang kage,~ He would most likely not have got the victory in
that fight had he not put two men against each one of their men ;
literally , Because against or for each one man (of theirs) he (put) two
men , he succeeded, if not probably not.

Bhanda , an earthen ivaterpot half the usual size, which is used only
by little girls of from 8 to 10 years old to fetch water in. .

Ne hon bhandadaakanae , — This girl is about 8 or 9 years old.
This stands for : Ne hon bhandare dd audariae , — This child can bring
water in a bhanda . Instead of that bhandare dd is turned into a
compound: bhandadd , bkanda-water, i.e., half a chatu of water. This,
again, used Intransitively denotes ability to carry half a chain of
water. That ability is given as an approximative index of the age.

Satom (Adverb of Time), after two years. To a question about the
meaning of the word satom I received the following reply : Bar sirma
taiom enale sdtoma, — After two years that we call satom, he., Satom
means after two years.

llonder , before yesterday. Uonder bonder may mean some weeks ago
and also some months ago. Bar apidchandii sidare enado chilekcdeko kajia ?
Enagekoo bonder bonder d , — What do they say for : two months ago ?
That too they express by the word bonder bonder .

Martobe / all right then ! Come on then ! martobepea ! Do say martobe !
i.e, 9 begin the work !

Enka, like that. Enkaeako, — They say, do, think , run, stand, work ,
etc., etc., like that.

Taioni, after, at the end. Damn tmomeme ! Place the word damn
af to or behind (such another word) .

020

MU^DAIil GRAMMAR,

Soje, straight, JSnte gomfce hantateh sojea , — Then* Sir, we shall go
straight that way.

Tala, the middle , half . garado talaealu nere f Ea baiua en

pahiia darn taJatana, — Let ns dig one trench her© in the middle
(between two trenches which were already dug). It won’t do that
papaya tree stands in the middle * [Note how in these two sentences
the word tala is first used Transitively : let us middle the trench, i.e.,
dig a trench in the middle. Then it is used Intransitively : darn talatana ,
the tree middles it (between the two trenches), i.e., stands in the middle,
Gande , crooked; Enatedo hora gandeotana, and then the road turns,
(i.e., becomes crooked).

Ek ! do I tin ! One ! Tico ! Three ! used as a signal to begin a race.

Eh do iineabu ! Let us agree to start at the signal ek ! do ! tin !

Ekdoakana ! Take care you will be too late ! i.e., One ! two ! has
already been shouted : hence in a moment the race begins.

Midi , one ; mid'jangeale / We are one, i.e., we are equal (in a
game).

Aiar, ahead! Enlekako aiartana ne durangre,— Like that this song
continues; literally, like that they go ahead in this song.

Okoe ? who ? Neado okoedakana ? And this whose share has it
become ? To whom has this been given or adjudicated ?

Qro or 6, more and more, Hence Pro orod , — Other and still other
things. (These things may denote circumstances, sentences, words,
etc., etc.) Latarte ko kajiachi ? Kajiako pro orodkore, — Do they say
latarte ? They do when the occasion presents itself, i.e., when they
happen to use other and other sentences.

Saraoro'pe, — Pour more manure.

Auri, — not yet, wait a moment. Chimtangking arandia ? Aurikinga , —
They will wait still ; they won’t marry just now.

(Note here the Impersonal Construction used with an Adverb of
Time, see pages 172, 173, and 174.)

Jomtisate, — to the righUhand side. Ama hen ! jomtkaUm ! Thou
there ! Go to the right !

Chakarno , pretty broad . Ne aribu chakarnoea, — Let us make this
ridge pretty broad.

Nani, yonder one. Nani haniejada — (The on© you look for) is
yonder. (Literally, yonder one he yonders.)

Part IV, .examples showing the transfer of words, etc. 221

Pechang, a chip of wood* PechangoA chikci t Won’t the chips fly
about?

Motod', topknot of hair (a Hindu fashion of wearing hair), Nldoe
rotod’ alcana , — This one wears a topknot ; literally , is topknotted,

Basidd , water in lohich is poured on boiled rice and which is left
standing for a day so as to turn acid « This is the ordinary drink of
Mundas. They very seldom will drink plain water — bereldd, raw water,
as they call it. Riral , nice, Basidd niraldkaria? — The rice-water is just
at the right stage of acidity, i.e., is nicely ready.

TJpun diring , four horns, Upmiako diringakam , — (That kind of
deer) are four horned, i.e., each horn has two branches.

Upuniae kataakana — (That animal) is four legged.

(Note how the Numerals qualifying Nouns are here separated
from the Nouns by means of the Pronominal Subjects ho and e. It
is on account of this separation that the Numerals resume the final a
which they drop whenever they are in immediate contact with
the Noun) —

Rented many. Rented' jamako, haing dariaohoa. They are too many
for me, I can’t get over them. (They out-number me.)

JEnha , like that . Pahudange enhaled'mea , — Sure it’s Paku who first
called thee thus (who first gave thee that nickname).

Janao , always . 1 Tewaod janaoredo , — One gets accustomed to it when
one does it always ,

Remar ! all right . Semarl&e mendo taiomtee nirjana , — He agreed
(to come with me) at first, but afterwards be ran away,

Remartobe ! all right then ! Remartolediha , — He told me all right
then ! He agreed to it.

Rereo hareo baiugea, — It will do anyhow whether they agree (to
the proposal) or whether they do not, ie. 9 Their or his saying yes or
no does not matter one way or the other.

Mdparangmed\ very big eyes, Maparanggee med'barqjada, — He
opens big eyes at it, i.e., he is very much surprised.

Nida-med ', literally, night eye , is the name given to a peculiar
weakness of the eyes on account of which people thus affected can see
nothing at all any more after sunset, Ridamedotanaing , — I can no longer
see anything after sunset, i.e,, I am affected by that eye disease.

Apan (Hindi Possessive), Ms own , Goako kaing narnhod; gofa
Jiaturenkoe apanked'koa,- —! shall not get any witnesses : he has got the
(people of the) whole village over to his side {Literally, he made them
his own). , . . . - . ,

222 MUNDABI GRAMMAR— EXAMPLES SHOWING THE TRANSFER, ETC*

Barsd, twice . Barsakenaing , ^7a, — I aimed (threw,

hit or shot at it) twice, but did not hit it even once*

Nam, new, Emikue muaahad f koa ,—RQ has engaged or appointed
yonder ones as new hands ; he has appointed new men, viz. yonder ones*

Pahang , cold, Horoko aingsdko rabangjana , — The men turned me the
cold shoulder (< literally , became cold towards me)*

Ale, ■ we (exclusive). Ale a teredo jeman chile rojotoa , — When we are
amongst ourselves («>., when no foreigners are with us) don’t we bring
out a lot of *this stuff, (After having for a couple of hours listened to
and noted down the meanings Mundas attach to their dreams and to
certain omens, I asked the company whether there was anything more
to be added on that subject. Then a young man gave the above reply to
show there was more, but that, to find it all, they must be m famille ,
so that one may bring out what another happens to forget. Bojoio is
used to denote a consultation.)

Mipiad\ one by one ; also one here , one there , a fete here and
there, A boy who got over the worst of an attack of chicken-pox was
consoled by a visitor with the sentence: Nado ammipiad’akcmam
Now thou hast (only) a few here and there [literally, now thou art

one~here~one4here'ed), ; c : ;Q:^

Chi ? Interrogative Inter jectional Affix. A young man who had
a somewhat peculiar style of speaking being asked why he did not
speak like others answered : Chiaing ord ? ■mochataing enka senod, —
What am I to do ? My mouth goes that way. (Other people would
rather say chikaealng ? )

In the following complete propositions are treated as Transitive
or Intransitive Predicates

Baiua,-~It will do. KaUng bailing, — He and I won’t agree to
that ; literally , we two will not (say) it will do.

Prgchare ituana , — The catechist knoios it, Pracharituanaaking , — Both
of them say or maintain that the praehar knows about it (both of them
say pracharituana). Note that the Pronominal Subject e is dropped
after the word praehar to avoid having two Pronominal Subjects.

Banod,— There is none 4 Banoaako, — They say that there is none,
Mokaalang I Let m stop (thou and 1). Aledo hokaalanga , — But we
(Mundas) would express that by saying hokaalmg.

Sartiakam> — It is true . Sartiakanmko , — They will believe it.
(They will say, it is true.)

2. g* Pres*— 1958 J —350 — 2 3-3* 1002— W. M. DU

APPENDIX.

* + „

I. — THE ASUB LEGEND.

Sirmare inigebu Singbonga* That one (who is) in heaven we (call) Sing-
tana. bonga.

Afcing kulbuyiaking kapa-
jitana.

Sida biam sida sangain

Sona satarangge Singbonga
dubakanae, sona tainyi-danda.

Imtangking kapajitana

Both husband and wife are conversing with
each other.

The first marriage, the first love (theirs was).

On a golden throne Singbonga is seated : a
golden sceptre-staff (he holds).

At that time both were conversing with each
other.

Pati petd petdtekoa, mimiad'
min miutekoa.

They have plenty of rice; they have plenty of
cattle.

Banki gundi piuri gaiking ]
arjitana Singbongata. : Upal-ba
pukuri, tayai-ba bandela dun da-
tana* Ohara baling namjada }
sing-sandom, tasad'-ruya, soben
rongotana. Chimti-pipiri, cha-
rai-chungnni da kako namjada,
chara kako namjada.

Sirmare Singbongae elangtanae
aiurtana.

Sona satarangire dubakanatee
aiumtana; Msjanae.

Eacha kandajanae, tunta pirin-
janae : Hasur-honko magiri-

koaing.

Ente kuyie kajiaitana : Aloma !
eskarge kam dayiakoa, sangiako
haga, sangiako boea. Inku
nidaoko sipud'tana singioko
sipud'tana. Amdom eskargeam;
mapa tupuingte kam dayiakoa.
Bara bidu, tero chaiakoe metaia.
Hemarkedae«

The heifer with turned -up horns, the cow with
turned- down horns both complain to Singbonga ;
the tank (with its) floating flowers, the hand
(a kind of tank) (with its) marsh-flowers is drying
up. W e two find no food : tree and shrub, grass
and stalk all is withering. The creeping insects
and the flying birds do no longer find water ; they
do no more find food.

In heaven Singbonga is scorched by the heat;
he is reached by the heat (emanating from the
Asurs* furnaces).

Seated on the golden throne, he (Singbonga)
hears (these plaints); he got angry.

He armed himself with a single-edged
sword and shielded himself with a plain shield : “I
will cut the Asurs to pieces.’*

Then his wife said to him : Don’t l alone thou
wilt not get over them. There are multitudes
of them. {Liter ally : they are many a relation,
they are many a brother.) They work (their)
furnace-bellows by night too and they work
(their) furnace-bellows by day too. But thou
art alone ; in a mutual fight with the sword and
with the bow and arrows thou cansfc not overeoni©
them. Wisdom and craft ! she said to him,
He agreed to that (he said; all right !).

it

APPENDIX,

Enate dingehua mam ente
kerketa jagu kuldutam ked / ~
kiugae Hasurhonkota.

Inking kajijada : Kajiohaling
autada, bakanraehaling seter-
tada. Nidape sipud're&o singi
alopea ! singidope sipud / r©do
nida alopea! Upal-ba pukuri
tarai-ba bandela anjed'tana
dundatana. Ranki gundi piuri
gai da kaking mnvjada, ckara
kaking nanyj&da ment eking
j^ajitana^ Chitnti-pipiri, cbarai-
chunguni da kako nanrjada,
ckara kako namjada. Otere
tasad'-ruya, sing-sandom soben
rorgotana. Sirmare Sing-
bongae elangtanae aiurtana
menteking kajitana,

En Hasurhonko kajikeda :
Ale Singbongatelea, ale marang j
deotatelea, jetaea kaji kale
manatinga.

Aleg© ang marangakana,
siege tar imyangakana. Aleate
jetae tnarang bang-^ia. Nidaole
sipud'a. singiole sipud'a mente-
ko kajirurakingtana. Aadal-
kandile kandiakana, jumbuli-
Juyile juyiakana. Dunda pahalle
kidub'tana, clunda, pakalle
angaratana, alejetaea kaji kale
manatinga menteko kajikeda.

Dingehua kuila dnrateko
herkia, kerketa bicka duyateko
kerkia.

a Ju senoben! ckoetareben
udub'ea!”

-nking sen6janaking, Sing-
bonga-tareking u d u V j a d a :
•‘FTela gomke ! alingdo jatiate
beyaitijana ! ”

Senoben abena jatitatejso*
, benko mid'gepe leloae kajijad'-
‘ kinga.

Then be sent the energetic kingcrow and tbe
watchful kerketa (a bird who cries repeatedly
daring night) as messengers to the Asurs.

Those two said : W e two have brought a mes-
sage ; we two have reached here with a request.
If you work the furnace-bellows by night, then
don’t (work them) by day. But if you work
them by day, then don’t (work them) by night !
The tank with its floating flowers, the band with
its marsh -flowers are drying up, are getting dry.
The heifer with turned-up horns, the cow with
turned down horns both do no more find water, both
do no longer find food, saying the two (birds) say.
The creeping insects and the flying birds do no
more find water ; they do no more find food. On
the earth grass and blade, tree and shrub are
withering. In heaven Singbonga is scorched by
the heat ; he is reached by the heat, saying the
two (birds) say.

Those Asurs said: We are greater than Sin g-
bonga ; we are above the great deities ; we won’t
obey the orders of anybody.

We arejprsor to the dawn ; we are prior to the
sunrise. There is nobody prior to us. We will
work (oar) furnace-bellows by night too ; we will
work (our) furnace-bellows by day too, saying
they replied. We are clustered together like
plantains in a bunch ; we are close together like
clusters of fruit (ice are very numerous ). We
gain to-day’s food by making short ploughshares ;
we secure to-morrow’s food by preparing short
ploughshares * We will not obey the orders of
anybody, saying they said.

They strew coal-dust on the kingcrow ; they
strew iron-ore dust on the kerketa.

« off ! begone ! to whom will you complain ! ”

Both of them went away. They complain to
Sin gbonga : “ Alas, Master! we two (he and I)
have become outcasted from our caste.”

Go (back) you two each to his own caste; you will
all look alike (he., all Ungerows will henceforth
look black and all Jcerketas will henceforth look
grey) he says to them.

APPENDIX.

Ent eking send j ana ad'king
lelked'koa, mid'geako,

Ente sonadidi rupadi&i kul- ,
ked'kingae. In king JEasurkon* j
koking kajiakotana : KajichaL
ing autada, bakanra dialing
setertada : etc,

Ente kotasiieko maraked'*
kinga, ente sandasomteko
maraked'kinga.

Ju senben! okoet&re ben
u&ub'ea nad o menteko kajiad'- |
king a.

Ente lipi snsari, kaua bandaxi
inkinge kulked'kinga Ilasur-
honkota. Ent© inking hi j ulema
oroking kajiakotana: kajicha-
ling, etc.

Ente kaua kuila-duyateko
herkia, lipi bicka duyateko ker-
kia, etc.

Ente lang-chenre Lakan,
bochockenye Kajure kuldutam-
ked/kinga, etc.

B'ocho eheuye sasang-dateko
hichirkfa, lang ekenre ckadTom-
ko tauijiliugkia, etc.

Ente Singbonga baro bidu
tero ckayaked'kinga.

Ekasi piri tirasi badi dasiko-
ra matan ckalutanae. Ente enre
Singbonga kasra kerkeda inia
kormore. Ente ni gaujanae.
Gaujanchi, sona ricki soridikiae
inlfca,

Entee metaitana: Cki del
aing ekalulea misa. Ente en
. kagraakani kajiruyaitana: Aingdo
. kasragaute soben kudlam
. karangite topeehabaakana, am**
w do nelekan pkarchi kora kaing
omamea mentee ka jiaia.

ii£

Then botk went away, and they saw them -(those
of their own kind), they are all one ( they all look

Iken he sent tke golden vulture and the silvery
vulture. Tkose two tell tke Asurs : We two kave
brought a message ; we two kave reached here
with a request, etc., as above. {The reply of the
Asters too is the same as above.)

Then they struck botk of them with a hammer ;
then they struck botk of them with the large iron
pincer.

Off ! Begone V to whom will you complain now,
saying they said to both of them. ( Their com-
plaint to Singbonga and the latter s reply is the
same as above.)

Then ke sent tke worshipping lark and tke
leading (the forward) crow to tke Asurs. Then
botk of them came and they said to them : We
two kave, etc, (same as above. The Asurs reply
| too is the same).

\ Then tkey tkrew coal-dust on tke crow and
iron-ore dust on tke lark, etc . (as above),

! Then ke sentLakan the lang (a small bird with
two long feathers in tail) and Kajur, the bocho, etc,

Tkey threw saffron-water on tke bocho and
they lengthened the lang’s tail by pulling at it,
etc . *

Then Singbonga had recourse to wisdom and
craft (. Literally : he twelve-knowledged and
thirteen-appearanced it.)

A servant is clearing (cutting) and hoeing tke
eighty-one high grounds, the eighty-three high nee-
fields. Then there Singbonga sowed itch on that
one’s body. Then that one got wounds* W ken kc
had got the wounds, he (Singbonga) flew a golden
hawk towards him (went out hunting with a golden
hawk whom he made fly towards that servant).

Then ke said to him. Come now 1 let me try
once to hoe. Then that itch-covered one replied
to him; On account of itch wounds my whom

hoe m entirely besmeared with the liquid oozing

out of the wounds. X will not give it to liiee
who art such a fair man, saying ke told him.

It

appendix.

Ente Singbonga inlge chuta-
ub're sab'kia ad'e sokoekia. Ho»
iorjanae. En urte Singbouga
sondjanae. Enatee senojana
Hasurhonkotate. Hun patrate
jirentana rokoko hart-anted.
Pati rokoko harjaia, pati tijuko
uiuiditana.

Ente Hasurhonkoa hatue te-
bakeda.

“ Chi hale I dasipe dodoa chi F
Simkoing harnala.’’

Ente Hasurko kajitana :
Juna kuyiko ! lelipe. Enteko
leMa. Enateko lelkiehiko chi-
chijada&o, durdurjadako, beja-
dako. “Xalea, kale dodoa dasi.
Honkotale chalauoa, ganra-
kotale chalau6a.” Ente aiarha-
tutee sendjana.

€< Chi hale ! dasipe dodoa chi l
etc. . . ganrakotale chalauda,

Ju send me ! hansa tolate send -
me, Mundaking menakinga
Lui/kura bar am Lut'kum, buria.
Inking asid', honko bangkua,
dindageaking, Aledo kalea.”

Ente inkingtae send j ana.

Chi hale ! jiangking tatang-
king, mend benachi tabu.

Inkhg dasiking doMa. Ente
sinakoe harnalatana.

Ente musing hulang dine
kajiakingtana ; Sim j arom nama-
tukaingpe, gaute haiajaina.
Enteking namatukaia. Ente
Hasurhonkotae send j ana.
Inkulo inung nagene send-
tana. Akoa / mered ; guli, kasra
kora a simjarom guli Hasur-
honko kapajitana : simjaromtae
trapud'eabu, lad'eabu, Mara

Then Singbonga took hold of him by the top-
knot of hair and shook him. He got out of his skin
(like a snake). With that skin Singbonga clothed
himself. Then he went away to the Asurs- He
twirls a leafed branch of a huribush round about
himself to drive away the flies. A s many flies as
would fill a pati {gram-measure containing two
pounds) are driving him ; he goes along dropping
a pati full of maggots.

Then he reached the Asurs* village.

Chi hale ! will any of you engage a servant P
I will gain my wage by driving off the fowl (from
the grain).

Then the Asurs said : He ! you women l have
a look at him. Then they looked at him. And
then having seen him, they (say) chichi ! they (say)
away l away ! they spit. We won’t! we don’t
engage a servant. Our children will be infected ;
our offspring will be infected. Then he went
to the next village.

Chi hale ! will any of you* etc. (as above) , .
... . our offspring will be infected. Get

away ! go to the hamlet yonder ; there there are two
Mundas : Lutkum the old man (and) Lutkum's
old wife. They perchance (will engage thee),
there are no children ; they are childless. As for
us, we won't (engage thee). Then he went to
those two.

Chi hale ! you two my grandmother and my
grandfather, are you two at home, are we you
and I P

Those two engaged him as a servant. Then he
gains his wage by driving off the fowl (from
the spread-out grain).

Then some day he says to both of them : Bo
get some eggs for me. On account of my wounds
I experience a strong craving for them. Then
they got them for him. Then he went to the
Asurs. He goes to play with them. They (had)
iron marbles ; the itch-covered boy had eggs for
marbles. The Asurs said to each other: we shall
break his eggs ; we shall fry them, they say.
All right, do thou first place thy marbles. He first
placed his marbles, Then they did not hit his

APPENDIX,

©paumeko meiaifcana. Orauke-
dae. Ente inia guli kako
tokeda. Ente, mar ape opaupee
menjada. Ente ini gulikedae.
Ente simjarom gulite meped 7
gulikoe tokorapudkeda. Ente
inku ringinijanako, Aurile
uduVmea Lut'kumhapamta-
kingt 7 are I Babado patireking

marbles* Then, all right now yon place your
marbles* Then he rolled Ms marbles. Then
with his egg-marbles he hit and broke the iron
marbles. Then they took it ill. Just thou wait
a while, we shall denounce thee to old Lutkum
and his wife. Sure they had spread paddy on
a mat for thee (to watch it) ; the fowl have eaten
it all up, they say.

tasitukaad / meaking ; simko
jomchabakedako menjada,

Enate haram bupiaking-
t£reenkateko udub'keda. Buria
Xisidtanae ; “ Chinalang joma !
soben simko jomchabakeda.
Ne kasra kopa dasi kalang do-
doiaing mefcad'mea ; doigeal-
angem menkeda.’'

Miad 7 bahajang en kasra-kopa
halangrupakedae. Patiree do-
keda, pati perdjana ; oratee idi-
keda. Sehelree, dokeda, sehel
per^jana. Tunkiree dokeda,
tunki perejana. Hataree do-
keda, hata perejana.

Ente hapambupiaking lelkeda-
king.

Okoea am kumbupukedam
menteking kajiaitana P

Then they reported like that to the old couple
(the old man, the old woman — both), ^fhe old wo-
man gets angry : What are we going to eat ! the
fowl have eaten up every grain of it. Let us not
engage this itch-covered boy as a servant, I told
thee ; we (thou and I) will certainly engage him
thou saidst.

The itch-covered-boy picked up again one grain
of paddy. He placed it on the mat— the mat got
filled. He took it (the grain) to the house. He
put it into the husking pit— the husking pit got
filled. He put it into the basket— the basket got
filled. He put it on the winnowing shovel— the
winnowing shovel got filled.

Then the old couple saw this.

Whose (paddy) didst thou steal, saying,- both
said to him P

“ Jetaea jiangking tatangking
kaing kubuputada. Abuage
s apatingt ana- b apatin gtana . Sing-
bongae omabutana.”

Ente opo eta hulangra din ;
abenhale! Jiangking tatangking
lupdlad 7 baiatukaingben, gaute
haiajaina menfcee kajiakingtana.
Ente inking lupulad'king baiaia.
Ente lupulad 7 saVked'tee seno-
jana Hasurhonkota inungte.

Ente inku; Mara luptilad 7
katitam, opaumeko mefcaitana .
Ente inku katikeda, kako to'-
keda. Mar nado ape opauepee
metad'koa. Ente katikedae.
Katikotako rapudotana, moped'

I have stolen nobody's (paddy), my grandmother
(both), my grandfather (both). Yours and mine
(paddy) is increasing (getting plentiful). Sing-
bonga gives it to us.

Then again on some other day : Hald you two !
my grandmother, my grandfather, prepare some
husk-bread for me. On account of (my) wounds
I feel a strong craving for it. Then the two
prepared husk-bread for him. Then taking up
those husk-cakes he went away to the Asurs to
play.

Then they; Goon use the husk-cakes as kati,
place (thy) kati first, they tell him. Then they
threw their katis, they did not hit. Go on now you
place your katis, he told them. Then he threw
his kati. Their katis break, iron katis with a kati
made of husk-cake. Then they [did not take it

APPENDIX,

vi

katiko lupulad'katite. Ente well, etc. (as above, viz., the accusation and tU
inku ringinijanako, etc. multiplication of grain) .

Ente Hasurkonko mered'e Then he cmsed the Asurg to r , m short of ^

ghatauked'koa. Ente: deal supp)y cf iron . Tten> Come now ! do please

chanbjang lelalem! kasrakopako examine tlle riee . grains for us {Le > aci assoot ^ er
raetaitana, f or „ s that we may j,„ oro wJ(at sacri f Ke } s nee a e d i n

our present distress ) they said to the itch-covered
boy.

^ Dub'o kaing dayia, gau hasu- I cannot even sit down : (my) wounds are pain-
jaina, chilekateng lelapea men- jag me so ; how ean I examine (the rice-grains) for
tee kajirnraad'koa. Ente inku you, saying he replied to them. Then they were
sendruratanko taikena. going to go away.

Tkiea ehaulijang, Come, then ! give me the rice-grains* I shall

gitilellekaing mentee kajiru- examine them lying down as I am, saying he
paad'koa. Ente seta hijupeng replied to them. Then you come (in the) morning,

udubapea. I shall show you (what’s required).

Ente inku setako senruyajana. Then (next) morning they went back (to him):
Chia ? chilekatem namkedako Well ? how hast thou found matters to stand, they
kulij&ia? ask him?

Singbongare pundi sim bon- In (honour of) Singbonga you sacrifice a white
gaipe, imtangtape meredoa, fowl ; then you will find iron (then to you iron will

become).

Ente inku pundi simko bon- Then they sacrificed a white fowl, whereupon
gakia,; ente hupinglekatako they found a little iron. Then they rejoiced,
mered'jana. Enteko rasika-
jana.

Ente oro eta hulangtako g at- Then again some other day their (iron) ran short,
aujana. Ente opo c au ij mg o /p^ea. once more they took the rice-grains to him.
idiruraia. Daea lelalem ehauli- Q ome now do please examine the rice-grains for us :
^ang, mered'tale ghataujana. our j r0Il has run s h 0 rt. Alas, I am unable to sit
Hela gaute kaing dub'dariae lX p on acc0 unt of my wounds, he says to them,
metakotana. Ente Hasnr- Then the Asurs were on the point of coming
honko hijururatanko taikena awajr again. Then, come then ! give them {'rice-
Ente : da ! omaingpe, gitilelle- g ra j; ns ) to me. I shall try to examine them whilst
kaing, seta rurapee kajiruraad'- iyj n g down ; come back in the morning, he replied
koa. Seta angjanchi en Hasnr- to them. In the morning, as the day broke, the
honko sennamkiako. Ohiam A. gU rs went to (find) him. Well, hast thou
leladleam menteko kulijaia P examined them for us they ask him P Sacrific© a
Pundi bakra bongaipe, huring- white he -goat, you will (then) find a little iron,
lekatap© meredoa. Ente ba- Then having sacrificed the he-goat they found
krako bongakiatetako meyed' i r on. And then they rejoiced.

3 ana. Ente ink u rasikaj ana.

Ente oro eta hulang, etc. . . . Then, again, etc . (as above) , . . Sacrifice a
Singbongare bale mindi bon- young sheep in honour of Singbonga. Having
gaipe. Inku hale mindi bonga- sacrificed a young sheep they found a little iron.
Mt© mered/ huyinglekatako Then they rejoiced, because he had shown them

Appendix.

vii

mered'jana. Enfe inku, Jbesu-
dubad'buae menteko rasika-
3 ana.

Ente eta hulang orotako

ghataujana, etc Chiam

namad'lea menteko kulijaia. He
aing namad'pea mentee kajiako-
tana: Horo-danrejanatapeae
metad'koa. Enate inku haikate-
janako. Helakasrakoya, okorele
namiako kajiruraitana. Ju ! se-
nope Doisa parganate, Kukura
parganate; enre Mundako me*
nakoa. Kulikope ! chi akiring-
koape mente kulikope. Hela |
ehikanateko omalea, chinatele
kiringiako metaitana. Ente:
ne kakaruking samroming oma*
petana ; sendpe ju ! Iviringtee
metad'koa.

Ente inka Doisa parganateko
senojana : Chi hale ! hoyokope
akiringkoape chi menteko kuli-
jad'koa ; bongaiale !

Okoea namtana engatea roga I
dalipe ! Mod'baleatebu asultaia !
Bongaini okoe namtana dalipe !

Ente inku nirjanako. Enate
kasrakorako metaitana: Hela
kale namkia hoyo !

the right sacrifice (then he has shown us aright,
saying they rejoiced).

Then again some other day again their (iron) ran
short, etc . (as above). Well, hast thou found it
(the kind of sacrifice) for us, they ask him. Yes,
I have found it out for you, be says to them : A
human sacrifice has become (necessary) for you,
he told them. Then they became dumbfounded.
Alas, itch-covered hoy, where will we find one (a
man) they reply to him. Go to the Doisa district,
to the Kukura district; there there are Mundas.
Ask them ! he ! do you sell them (men) ask them.
Alas, for what (as price) will they give to us (a
man), with what shall we buy him, they, say to
him. Then I give you these two pumpkins,
| (they are) gold ; all right ! go now to buy, he said
to them.

Then they went to the Doisa parganah: Chi
hale! do you sell men, saying, they asked them ;
we are going to sacrifice one !

Who then is asking a mother s darling (a child) !
hit him I From the tenderest childhood we have
reared him ! The one who wants to sacrifice him
strike him !

Then they ran away, and then they tell the
itch-covered boy : Alas, we have not got a man !

Chilekape kajikeda ?

Chigheu ! % honkope akiring-
hoape chi? bongaiale mentele
kajiakotana.

Enaddoe P metakotana.

Hirjanaleko metaitana.

Ainggea fcobe! bongaldngpee
metakotana. Gaute erageng
dukutana, nida singi harangige
lingitana mente kajiakotanae.

Ente Lutkum hayam Lutkum
buria kaling omma menteking
kajiruraitana ; okoe oya. horo-
alinga P

How did you say (ask) P

Chigheu! do you sell children? we are going
to sacrifice one, saying we told them.

And then (what happened?) he says to them.

We ran away they tell him.

Here am I myself then! do sacrifice me, he
says to them. I am suffering much pain on
account of my wounds; matter is flowing out day
and night ho says to them.

Then the old man Lutkum and Lntkum’s old
wife : We won’t give thee (up), saying both of
them said, who will watch our house for us ?

APPENDIX.

• ••
im

InMngemetakingtana : Bonga- To those two lie says: Do let them sacrifice

Mngkako jiangking tatangking ! me my grandmother dear, my grandfather dear !

&a amo! okoe alingdo asul- o thou too! {i.e„ what doesfc thou think of)
Hnga ? who then will support me and her P

Aben aloben uy&a ! asulogea- A s for you two, don't worry yourselves ! You will
ben, Aben tareng kajitukatana, surely he supported. I leave my word for it to
Chi nea kaji udnbabentanaing you two, How this promise I reveal to you two,
metadkinga. Ape Mundahonko- he says to both of them,. Let this word of mine
tare ne kaji tainka mente kaji- remain (be ever remembered) amongst you Mun-
tukaad'kinga. Hatu talare pa- das, he impressed it on them (he impressively said
hanya hon sing subareng duba- to them) : I will seat the pahan's son (the sacri-
tukaiaing. Ini aben mainbena, ficer) under a tree in the middle of the village,
bare misa, bataulire misa, He will sacrifice to you, ( i.e he will offer to you
mag ere misa. two the essences or souls of the fruits, flowers,

and animals he sacrifices) once on the flower
feast, once on the batauli feast, and once on the
mag feast.

Inking : he martob ! ne kaji Then both of them : All right then! he and
haling riringea mente king 1 ( we two) won t forget this word, saying they
kajiruraitana. reply to hm.

Ente Rasurhonko idikia bon„ Then the Asurs led him away in order to sacri-
gai nagen. fice him.

Ente inku auri bongai sida- Then before they sacrificed him. he said to
ree kajiad'koa: Fundi merom them : take the skin of a white he-goat {to make
bakra potaipe ur, naua ghandi- bellows with) make new bellow-sticks, prepare a
king baipe, naua binghal baipe, new bellow-nozzle, husk rice into flour, husk
baba-holong rurungepe, kodeho- marrua (a small gram) into flour ; let two virgins
long rurunggundaepe ; dinda do the husking after having fasted, saying he sai^
kuyiking rurungeka mentee kaji- to them,
ad'koa, katabakanate.

Mar nado iladepe ! All right now plaster up (the furnace).

Ente en kutite bolotanim- Then at the moment he was entering into that
tang kajiatukaakotana : Dinda furnace he impressed it upon them (as follows) **
knyiking sipudeka, api ma kata- Let two virgins who have fasted since three days
bakanate. Sida singiking si- work the bellows. Let them work the bellows
pudeka. Sutambinda naua cha- by night and by day. Let them on a head-
tnte diking auka, uli daurate- ensbion made of cotton thread bring water in a
king hirchienreka ! Mar ! nadoing new earthen pot and let them extinguish the fire
bolojana, iladkesedingpe ! by sprinkling (water on) it witha twig of a mango-

tree. All right ! now I have entered ; plaster
me up!

Enatedoking sipud'keda nida Then the two (virgins) worked the bellows day
singi. Enatedo api ma hoba- and night. Then when three days had passed.

APPENDIX.

janciii sutambinda naua chatute
daking agula, uli daur&teking
hirchienyekedaking* Enate
kutiking ' rurun gutunykeda.

Enate angtanleka tnrtan-
lekae urraiglena. Bona rupa-
tege somparauak anae ; lota fayi-
gee sabana.

JOrabchi menako kulrjaia?

Han ! ban I khub mena men*
tee kajiakotana. H agape san«
gia, apedo purape agues, Enate :
kutinndut© bolope© metaad'koa,
koya bon bbari ! Koyahonko
aguchabakope ; taiomtepe repda
karedo. Ente, sirmare sonadidi
rnpadidiking jalatingtana. Mar
suba seromilte lelnamkoben,
chuti kangsulilfce lelnamkoben,
merako ukuna, mentee kajia-
kotana.

Hasurhonkoclo : cbabajanale
menteko kajiaitana. Koyahon-
ko- bbari sobenkoie auehabaked'
koa,

Ente inku sobenko bolocba-
bajanchi : marna kuyiko! ilad'-
kesed'epe bichaduyate kuiladu-
yate I Ilad'kesed'kedako. Mar-
na kuyiko ! sengel salgau ad'
sipudepe ! Sipud'jadako ; ena“
tedo kutichetanre kuilako dul-
jada ad' kbub'ko sipud'jada.
Cham cbmntanko ragoentana.

Helaea ! am bedakedleako
metaitana.

Marna kuyiko sipudepe ! re-
pet anako, kako dongotana J se-
kerage sipudepe !

^ Entado lada ladsidn xxnxago-
tana maioxn geya borate nan
borate,, :

ix

J they brought water in new earthen pots on bead*
j cushions made o£ cotton-thread ; they extinguish
the fire by sprinkling (water on) it with twigs of
a mango-tree. Then they broke the furnace down
with busking poles.

Then be cam© out like the dawn, like the rising
sun. He is covered with golden and with silver
ornaments; he bolds a drinking vessel and a plate.

1$ there plenty more of it (treasure), they ask
himP

Yes ! yes ! there is plenty more of it, saying
be tells them. You are many brethren, Youll be
able to bring out a lot of it And then : enter
through the hole of the furnace, he said to them ;
Men only (will do) ! Bring together all the men,
or else later on you will rob from each other.
And then : under the roof (of the furnace) a golden
and a silver vulture both are soaring. Examine
them underneath at the feathers under the wings
and at the feathers which are at the end of the
wings, perchance they may hide (their treasure)
saying he tells them.

But the Asurs : we are all here, saying they tell
h im . So far as the men are concerned, we have
brought all of them together here.

Then when all of them had entered: all right !
now you women, plaster up (the furnace) with
iron-ore dust and with coal-dust. They plastered
it up. All right! now you women, light the fire and
work the bellows I They work the bellows. Then
on the top of the furnace they pour coal and they
work the bellows with energy. (Those inside)
are crying desperately chain Mini.

Alas, thou hast cheated us they (the women)
say to him.

>Tis all right now you, women! work the bellows!
They are robbing each other ; they do not all get
enough ; work the bellows fast!

And then the blood flows out abundantly
through the pa ssage for molten refuse and through
the air-passage ox the bellows.

X

APPENDIX,

Heleam 1 bedaked ; lea, chi
maiom naeadoko mefcaitaxra.

Kana ! kuyiko, pan kasaiiiko
Jomtana, enako bewrungjada.
Mama kuyiko ! khub sipud'ta*
bepe, sekerage !

Ente, rongojan torked'kochi,
rurungufcunrepe mentee kajiad'*
koa. I

Enteko rurungutunr eke da.
Jang eskargeko namkeda, ranka-
royetanko namkeda.

Helaeam bedakedlea! naka-
mente kale torked'mea ! Koya-
kotale sipud'goerikaked'leam
menteko kajiaitana.

Hela na l kerketa jagu, ding-
chua marn kuldutamled'kinga-
ing, Inkinga kaji kape mana-
tingjana mentee kajiakotana.
Ente : aiha hal hukump© mans-
tinga chi na mentee kajiakotana.

Hanle manatingako men.
Kale manatingkore chilehate le
asnloa oro'ko metaitana.

He martobe ! asuldtea horaing
udubapea mentee kajiruyakota-
na.

Patgurn, Tura chelaking
dotukakingtana. Hulabaya
chaulijang, sete baya kudijang
dia sengel poro sengelteko mla-
nam pitinampealco . Patguru
Turachela inkingt&re a 1 o p e
nktma menteng kajiapetana,

Hatu talar© Mun&ahon pa-
hanye tama, sing suba, daru
»uba. Manatingpeae metad'-
koa.

Enate inf sinnatee rakaben-
tana. .

Alas thou hast deceived ns S isn't this blood,
they say to Mm.

hfo you women ! they are eating pan and kasaili,
it is that they are spitting out. Go on now ! you
women, work the bellows fast with energy, quick-
ly !

Then, when he knew that they were burnt, now
break the furnace with your husking poles, he said
to them.

Then they broke it with husking poles. They
found only bones, rattling dry they found them
(the bones).

Alas ! thou hast deceived us. We did not think
that thou wouldst act like that! Thou hast
made us burn our men to death.

Well nowP I sent the watchful kerketa and
the energetic kingcrow as messengers (to you).
You did not obey their orders, saying he told
them. And then : will you then now obey my
commands and orders, saying he says to them.

Yes, we will obey, they say. Unless we obey,
how in the world can we find a living l they say to
Mm.

All right then 1 1 shall show you a means (way)
whereby you will be supported, saying he answers.

I am going to establish the Patgurn and Ms
disciple Tura, both of them (the sooth sayers).
These two will consult you (approach you for
advice } approach you for direction) by means of
half-broken rice-grains, by means of half-husked
kudi grains, by means of lamplight, by means
of straw-torch light. I order you not to abscond
(not to hide anything) from the Patgurn and
Turachela (i.e., always reveal to them the causes
of disease and the sacrifices required ).

In the middle of the village a Munda shall
dwell as sacrificer, under a tree, under a tree.
He will worship you he said to them.

After that he rises to heaven.

APPENDIX.

XI

Entedo en Hasurkuyiko ini&
lij6reko sabentana, Ente elm*
taub're sab'ked'kochi huyang*
giriked'koae.

Burure uidjani burubonga*
janae, ikirre uidjani ikirbonga-
janae, piri uidjani oy6 lor tundu*
k6r© nagebongajanae ; ente
marang burure uiujana, marang
burubonga janae, desaulire uiu-
jani desaulibongajana, ehondo-
rikirre uidjani chondorikir-
bonga janae, chandire uidjani
cb&ndibongajanae.

And then those Asur women cling to bis clothes.
Then he, catching them by the top-knot of hair
threw them down.

The one (who) fell on a hill became a buru-
bonga, the one (who) fell into deep water became
an ikirbonga, the one who fell on high fields or
near the end of ravines became a nagebonga ; then
the one who fell on a high mountain became a
marang burubonga, he who fell on a wooded spot
became a desaulibonga, he who fell on a wooded
spot near a spring (low ground) became a chondor*
bonga, he who fell into a grove on the open field
or a height became a ehandibonga.

II.

BICE-COLTIVATION AND AN OBDINABY DAY'S WOB& IN A
MUNDA TILLAGE.

(Written by Johann Bongo, a Mundari school-boy).

Sidako sichataea, enateko
ruyaea. Apisako siked'chiko
taerikaea. Enate da gamakeate
ka-chaluakad ayikoko chaluea.
Tara sidare chaluakad ayiko
herjetea jetesingirege. Asar
ad' Sawan chandu tebakochi
sobenko aehraea o?o taramarako
roaea. Sobenko herehabakead
enate omonoa, omonjanafce ma-
parangoa. Enate soben loeongko
durumleka leloa. Enate burin g-
leka pandu pandu leldimtaDgko
karaea; karaekeateko hokaea.
Enate babako dembooa, ente
geleoa, enate toako pereoa, enate
enagesakid'kochi jaromoa.

Jaromjanatedoko ^irea; da*
tromteko irked^chi kolomteko
godupiiea oyo tara marakodo
sagariteko har-rakabea. Enate
kolomreko payoea. Payoekeat©
oyoko ax’guea ad'ko daupria
(enea). Laud'janehiko kotaea,
enateko aturea. Pet 6 babakoko
giyia, jang babakodoko auea.
Enateko potomea. Potomko

First they open (the ground) by ploughing*,
then they replough. Having ploughed it three
times, they let it lie. Then after it has rained
(once) they hoe those fields which they had not
hoed before. Some fields which they had hoed
before they summer-sow in the hot season itself.
When the month of Asar and Sarvan has
arrived, all sow in the water (standing in the
' fields) and some people plant (i,e„ transplant the
seedlings). When all have finished sowing
then it springs up, having sprung up it grows
big. After that all the rice- fields look one mass
of green. After that, when it begins to look a
little greyish they press it down (by dragging a
long piece of wood over it) ; having pressed it down
they stop ($. e. there is nothing more to be done)*
Then the paddy grows into incipient ears, then
it forms ears, then (the grains) become filled with
milk, then when that has solidified, it ripens.

After it has ripened they reap it-; having cut
it with the sickle they carry it on their shoulders
(the men) and on their heads (the women) to the
threshing floor, and some do drive it up on sagars
(bullockcarts). Then on the threshing floor they
place the sheaves with the ears upwards (to dry
entirely). After having thus dried them, they
thresh it (by driving cattle over it round and
round). When it has become soft, they shake (out
the grain from the straw) then they winnow it. The

APPENDIX.

sagariteko haridia ; oy&ko teba* empty busks they throw away, those with seeds
ked ? ehi potomko aderea adingre, in them they take (keep). Then they pack it
Tara potomko hitaea, tarako into bales. The bales- they carry (drive) away on
jomea. sagars ; having reached home they put the bales

into the shore- room. Some bales they reserve for
seed, the others they eat.

Sidaie miad' potomko bon- At first they make a hole into one bale. That
go£ea. Ena sidako honddea, (grain which they take out daily through this hole)
enate jetereko tasia, enate roro- they parboil, then they spread it out on a mat in the
3 anchi sehelre tukuteko rurun- sun. Then when it has become dry, they husk it
gea, enate chauli urungoa, with husking poles in the husking pit, and then
Soben auri chaulichabaoimtang clean rice comes out. At the time when all is not
setdakanako meta; mipia'd yet become perfectly clean rice, they call it sets
mipia&'eskar babako taiuimtang (they say : it is become sete, i.e., husks begin, to
talaakanako meta. Miad'o baba fall off). When only here and there a grain of
band ad' burud'leka chauli unhusked rice remains, they call it tala half
pharehi leloimtang soakanako clean. When not even one grain of unhusked
meta. Enchauligeko mandia. rice is left and the rice looks shining white, they

call it sd, Le., clean rice. That rice they cook for
food.

Mandi imtang sida dako When cooking they (the women) first put water
India, enate basangoA Basang- (in a pot) on the fire, then that boils. When it
jancbi chauliko harub'ea, enate has become boiling they pour in the rice and then
mandi isinod. it gets cooked into food.

Isin janchi chipiko gasarea ; When it is cooked they clean (scrub) the brass*
gasarked'chi mandiko hatiugea ; vessels ; having cleansed them they deal out the
hatingked'chi korakoko kajia- cooked rice ; having dealt it out they say to the
koa : abuugenpe ! Enateko men : wash yourselves l Then they take a wash

abungena enate mandiko joma, and then they eat their food. And then the women
Enate kuyiko joma ad' soben and the girls eat their food. When all have
kuyihonko. Sobenko jomked'- eaten then every one (literally : child and
chi, hon hopon apan apan giti grandchild) betake themselves to their night’s
jomtekoa. rest.

Beta angk< 5 te soben apan apan In the morning when the day has broken, all
kamitekoa : kuyikodo seta guri- betake themselves to their work: the women
ko giyia ad' korakodo uriko they clean the stables (they throw out the
pasartekoa, ad' honkodo sen- cowdung), and the men they turn out the
geltare dubakanko (duba- cattle to S raze and the children, they being
kanteko) jiruba ad' jetekete seated near the fire warm themselves, and
ked'chi honko merom un when the sunshine has become strong the
gupitekoa,oy<5 koyako sin kamia. children go to graze the goats and cattle and
Tikinjanteko rarakoa ad' the men go to the ploughing work. When it has
ayanyakoko gokead' karkaden- become noon they unyoke them (the oxen) and,
telco senoa. Karkad'koate oya- carrying the yokes on their own shoulders, they

tekoa ad' tikin mandiko joma. g0 to hmsh their teeth ( at the nearest stream or

pool) ; having brushed their teeth they go home
* and take their midday meal.

APPENDIX.

HARAM

Baria ha?ambu?iaking ho ? e '
King hcrla. Eueddo janau
sarako hoye jomko sentan tai-
kena. Enamente janao hayamdo
hoye lioroe sontau taikena.

Enaddo musing hulang hasue
baintan taikena oyo buriae
kajiaia : Ama, buyiatalang aing
hasning baiua oyo amtalang
raemeoyd neka kajime: Okoe
goye ! ne hayamko iditukairedo
gota goya hoyeing omakoa.

Enaddo hasue bainjana oy<5
buyia rAtane taikena : Okoe
goye! ne hayam iditukairedo
gota goya hoyeing omakoae
menjada.

Entedo banda saya ratane
aiumlia. Enaddo sayakoe kajia-
kotana: oko buyia ratanae me-
takotanaP Enad'doko kajiaita-
na : Okorea ! banda amge era-
gem aiumjad'koa metaitanako !
Auritoa! oyo misabu aiumliae
menjada. Enaddo oyoe rajada :
Okoe goye ! ne hayamko iditu-
kairedo gota goya hoyeing oma-
koa ! Enatedoko aiumHa.

Enad'doko niraula, enatedoko
kulijaia : Chikanam menlAko

metaitana ? Enacldoe kajiad -
koa: Kaea bahu! ne hayam-
derang okoe iditukaia gota goya
hoyeing omakoa.

Enatedoko kajiaia : Alo hu-
yiam raea! Mar iditnkaialeko
metaitana. Enad'doko sab'kia
ad'ko idilda.

Bnad'do oyako tebaked f cMko
kajiaitaina: Chi buyia ! netarele
dotaiako metaitana P Enad'doe

III.

bcihaeinga kahani.

Two married people (an old man, an old
woman) had sown kurti (a coarse pulse). And
then the baboons were always going to eat the
kurti. Therefore the old man was always going to
watch the kurti.

Then one day he was going to feign sickness
(making himself sick), and he said to the old
woman : Thou he ! my dear old wife (thou he ! old
woman thou and I !) I will pretend to be sick and
thou, my dear, cry and say like this : Alas ! if any
one would carry this old man away, I would give
them a whole field of kurti.

Then he pretended to be sick and the old wo-
man was crying: Alas ! if any one would carry this
old man away, I would give them a whole field
of kurti.

Then a tailless baboon (one who had lost his
tail) first heard her crying. Then he says to the
baboons: Listen! What old woman is crying, he
says to them P Then they say to him: Where at all !
thou tailless one, thou art hearing them very
much indeed ! they say to him. Just wait awhile 1
We shall first listen to her once more he says.
And then she cries once more : Alas ! if any one
were to carry this old man away, I would give to
them a whole field of kurti! and then they heard

ber*

And then they came running up to her and
then they ask her: What didst thou say, they say
to her P And then she said to them: What I

mean to say is this, sir! (No, indeed! sir)i£ anyone

will carry this old man away. I will give them a
whole field of kurti.

And then they said to her: Don’t cry, old
woman! (Don’t old woman thou cry !) allnght
we shall carry him away, they say to her. Then
they took hold of him and they carried him away.

And then having reached the house they say
to her • What (do you say) old woman ! shall we
put him down and leave him here, they say toher ?

APPENDIX*

xiv

kajiad'koa : Kaea ! hen gon*
yas&te idiipe mefca&'koa. Enate-
doko idikia. Enaddo buyia
duare handed'tada oyo koyae
metaitana : leikoma, talanga !
gota goya hoyeko jomchabajada
koe metaitana.

Then she said to them : 2?To dear I take him to that
stable yonder, she said to them. And then they took
him (thither) and then the old woman fastened
the door down and said to (her) husband : Look
to them, my dear ! they are eating up a whole
field of knrfci! she says to him.

Enad'do hakege sab'tab'kedae
oyoo magodked'koa.

Then he (the husband) quickly laid hold of bis
axe and killed them by cutting them to pieces.

ALPHABETIC TABLE OF CONTENTS.

A as Prefix to Indirect Pronominal Objects — Introd., li ; Gr., 14 (3rd) ; 38 to 42.

A as Copula in the ordinary or personal construction— Introd., XXXVIII to
XLVXII ; Gr., 116 (3rd).

A as Copula in the impersonal construction — (see Impersonal Construction).

A as formative element in the Indeterminate Tense and in the Simple Future— 12b
to 129.

A as Impersonal Pronoun — 12 and 20.

A as Possessive Genitive affix to Nouns and Pronouns— *89 (6th).

A as Suffix to the Possessive Affixes taing } tarn, etc.— 107.

A as Affix to Nouns and Pronouns governed by Compound Postpositions-™ 42 to 45*
A as formative element of Nouns— 188.

A and A* Identity of— ia all the above functions— 46 (Note) and 126 to 129.

Probable identity of a or d with Passive Affix 6 — 163
to 165.

Ab iliiy — signified by reduplication — 183 (3rd).

Ablative— (see Case).

Absence— denoted by hand — 1 72.

Abstractions— Influence of abstract thought on Organic words —Introd., XIII
to XX.

Influence of abstract thought on Mundari words— Introd., XX
to XXXII.

Influence of abstract thought on the Organic Proposition— Introd.,
XL.

Influence of abstract thought on the Mundari proposition, — Introd.,
XL* etc.

Abstract Nouns— 108 and 120 (l).

Accident — Defimfcionof— -XLII as basis of division of judgments— XLII

as basis of division of Mundari propositions— XLIII, etc.

Accusative — (see Case).

Active Voice— ( see Voice).

Adjectives— Formation of— 108 to 110 Number and kind of —Introd., XIII
to XVI.

Not affected by Gender and Number 5 — Comparison of— 110 and

111 .

Adverbs of Place— 70 to 75 — of Manner— 76 to 79 ; of Quantity— 75 to 76 ;

—of Time— 79 to 80. Adverbial Affixes —78, 79 and 200*
Affirmation—* made by Transitive use of Affirmative Particles— 112 and 221.
Affirmative Particles— $8.

Affixes —(see Foots).

Agency— Nouns of-— -their formation— Introd., XXVIII (1st) j Gr., 120 (3).
Agreement between Subject and Predicate . Necessity of a Subjective Pronominal
Affix to'Predicates agreeing in Number and Person with Subject—
Introd., XXXV, etc. Exception to this rule— 29.

ii

commas*

Alphabet ~~ 1 to 4.

A ncest or •worship — (see B eligion ) .

Anterior Tenses~~{ see Tewse).

Approximation, how expressed -~6 8.

Art&cl6~~§>

Aryan languages— {see Organic languages).

Assent ~~ expressed by the transitive use of Affirmative Particles-- 11* ana >

Au to bring. Idiomatic use of in Compound Predicates— 194, 195.

Avowal— expressed by the transitive use of Affirmative Particle-112 aad 221.

B age, to abandon. Idiomatic use of in Compound Predicates-191, 192.

Bed, to male. Idiomatic use of in compound Predicates-195.

Be (to —)— how rendered in Mundari— 180 to 182.

Become (to-)- rendered by «-l» 5 rendered by 5-152 to 155.

Beginning- rendered by ete-199; rendered by reduplication-183.

Being in general -denoted by a— 128.

Bonga~~{ see Beligion ).

Burial customs — Introd., YII, Till* XX.

Cardinal Numbers~{ see Numerals ).

Qosq — Definition of Introd LHI, LIV (III) ; to, 86,

Formation of Oases in Mundari— 86 to 93,

nominative Case in Organic languages —Introd., XXX? L

in Mundari -Introd., XXXVIII (5),

-Position of in the Mundari proposition— 86,

-in a certain sense pertaining to Transitive and In-
transitive Predicates Introd, LXY (%)*

Genitive toe-split up into five Locatives in Mundari-80 (4) to 89,

Dative Case~F orm and function of in Organic languages— Introd,,

XIiVIH (2).

_ ^ XLIX andLIII; to, 86. Organic

Datives of advantage or disadvantage sometimes rendered
by Postpositions tdte or tdre-~Introd. t L (I), LII,
TiTfT ; sometimes by the Postposition d -43 (4th) (5),
46 (3rd).

.. .. \ n a certain sense pertaining to Transitive and Intransitive
Predicates — Introd LIV (2).

Accusative Case— Form and function in Organic languages.— introd.,

XL VIII (2). '

Mundari— XLIX ana LIU .* Cr, 3 86.

_ of — -in the Mundari proposition— 80*

-So-called Double Accusative Constructions in Mundari**
49 and 92.

a certain sense .pertaining to 'Transitive and In*
transitive PrecUcategWh&'oi., LXY (2).

CONTENT!*

' Ctoii—conclnded. • ^ . at

locative Czm-^Ordinary Locatives of Best or Motion— 90 (IX) to

(XII).

Instrumental Case— 01 (XII and XIII)*

^dilative Case— $2 (XIV)*

Vocative Case— 92 (XT)*

■ Carnality — implied by d— 154.

Causatives—' I98« _ . ,

Cause — denoted by fe-37 (*) and 209 ; by mente-Zi 0; by rd-210.

Cessation— rendered by hoha, 199.

Checked Vowels and Consonants— 3. ....

Circumstances as a factor in determining actual functions of Mandari w

Introd.i XX, XXI, etc. . - , •

Cia«*«— General outlines to i»

to 122 (II). ,

General directions for rendering English subordinate clauses in*
3£undiri— -Zhf rod. s LV, L\I*

I. — Relative Clauses— 201.

II— Conditional Sentences— 203.

JIZ— Circumstantial— of Time— 207.

■IT.— 209. '

'y»— F inal— 21L

VL—of Manner— 212*

rll.—Kestrictive— 213. V >.

yill.— Correlative— of Manner— 21*.

JX — Correlative— of place— 214.

Commencement— (see Beginning).

Comparison 1 (see Adjectives),

a “ a “ "

cTJ^n- (.»’ C™““«> *”* SLail. T„„.Cam.-S0! (I) I *J «

«•

Condit ion— expressed by re— 203.

Conditional clauses -(see

Conditional Conjunctions s— '* UTl iier Clause).

Mundari process-112 to 119 and 129, 1.0.

COSTS NTS-

198SJ

iv

Conjugation™ concluded.

Functional differences between Organic— and the eorreiponding
■ Mundari process— T 19 to 129.

Fundamental similarity between Organtc*~an& the corresponding
Mnndari process— 128.

Number of conjugations iu Organic languages contrasted with the
uniformity of tlie corresponding Mnndari process- — 129,

Subdivision of the Mnndari process into tbe Personal and the Im*
personal construction— 129, 130.

Conj unctions — 80.

Connexion— Method of connecting Subject and Predicate in Organic language#
and in Mnndari — (see Proposition.)

Contact between Subjective Pronominal Affix and Transitive or Intransitive
Predicates as connotative of tbe logical relation between
Subject and Predicate— (see Proposition ).

Objective Pronominal Affix and Transitive Predicates as conno*
tative of the logical, relation between those Predicates
and their Direct or Indirect Objects in -Mnndari
•—(see Proposition ).

Consonants*- 3, 2.

Construction, Personal and Impersond— (?ea Conjugation : Subdivision of, etc.).
Context as a factor in determining tbe actual meaning and function of Mnndari
roots and words— lutrod., XX to XXXII; Gr., 8,
Contemporaneousness— denoted by re — 207; by Zd~2C8 ; by rd — 209.

Continuation — expressed by aiar—m ; by idi— 196 ; by Or ntinuative Present— 149.
Co-ordination of roo*s in Isolating languages— Introd., II.

— — . — of words iu certain M uudari compounds — 181.

, of propositions (see Proposition).

Copula in Organic languages— Introd , XXXVI, XXXVII ;- in Mundane

Introd , XXXVIII and Gr, 124.

Eeason for tlio existence o£ two distinct Conulas in Mundari— Introd .
XL to XLIV.

Corrective Particle— 81*

Correlation—: 35,

Correlative Clauses— (see Clause).

Correspondence between Subject and Predicate in case of Indefinite and
Interrogative Pronouns, an idiomatic peculiarity— 29.
Customs— Tense-foxm tned in stating— - 134 .

D as a substitute for n in Transitive Tense— Suffixes— 164,

Dative?**- (see Case).

-Day— how divided by Mund.is— 80.

Declension— (see Case).

Defective Intransitive Predicates with regard to number of Tenses— 17 2 to ITS*

D efimee expressed by tbe Affix la — 182 ; by tbe Affix ten— 1 66.

CONTENTS# y

Degrees of Comparison— (sop Comparison, under Adjectives).

Deities— (see Religion).

Deluge— No Mundari version of- — — Introd XII.

Demonstratives— (see Roots).

Demonstrative Adjectives—® to 12. - .

Demonstrative Pronouns— 26 to 33.

Denotation as distinct from connotation in Parts of Speech— Introd., XVI
to XX.

Deprecative Particle— 170, 171.

Desinences of Organic languages contrasted with the Suffixes of. Agglutinative
languages in general and of Mundari in particular.—
Introd., II to IV.

Development of roots into Parts of Speech— Introd., XVI to XXXII and Gr., 108
to 110.

Diacritic marks— 1 to 3,

Dialects (Kholarian)— Introd., I.

Die (to— )— rendered by land— 113.

Dimension— etptesmd by the Suffixes rd and ren—SS (3rd).

Diphthongs— 1 .

Direction— expressed by te—36 (1st); by tdfe—47 (1st); by ate or etc— 61.
Disjunctive Particles ^S2 (5 fch)* .

Dissent— expressed by the intransitive use of, tlio. Negative Particle— 175.
Distinction (grammatical) between living beings “and inanimate objects— 7.

— — — --—bekeen real existence and being or entity in general re*
cognized in Mundari by tbe use of distinct words.—
Introd., XXXVIII and XLV ; Gr„ 121 to 129.

Boult— expressed by tbe Affixes ja and ter a — 84.

Dual— (see Humber).

Duration— expressed by tdate— 49 (III, 1 and 2) ; byjahed—62 ; by bamiate— $2.

2$, as * mere euphonic insertion before tb© Subjective Pronominal Affix #72—14
(2nd), 17 (2nd) and 18;- — -before tbe Copula a in Inde-
terminate Tense and Future — 134 before -tbe

Befiexive Tense— Infix. »— 155. “

» weak form of tbe Personal Pronoun £—16 ( I )- and 16 (2 and-3) aa
Infixed Direct Object denoting inanimate beings— 135*
Elements (formative}— Definition (A— Introd., II (2). ■ •

Elision m Oasa-Suffixes— 87 (1st), 9D-. (VIII) in Tense-Suffixes— Introd.,, JJCt
' ~ ' ' ' LXII and Gt\, 140 : 143 (VIII), 144.

Emphasis— (see Emphatic Pronouns under ) Pronouns and Emphatic Particles —

. , 84 85.

Enumeration of inanimate objects —Idiomatic use of Plural forms in— 8 (2nd)*
Essence— The concept of— as basis of . tbe division of Mundari propositions into
two classes* — Introd* XLI, etc.

Evolution of languages.— Introd., IV, .

Esem— tendered by Id— 191; by uter— 111. *

COOT2H m

n

Existence— (see Distinction between real existences etc.).

Exclusive Dual and Plural (see Number).

Family-connexions -Possessive Affixes used with words denoting— --*88 (4rh) and
98i8rd).-:

Feasibility— expressed by thj Passive Voice— ‘S3.

Fdmys and other subjective *jjkc&ions—C onstruction used to denote— predica*
lively —230 and 176.

Functions of roots and words in Organic languages compared with functions of
Mundari roofs and words -Introd., XVI to XXXXI.
Future Tenses— (see Tense).

expressed in Mundari by the intransitive use of the Impersonal Pro®
noun, a— 124 to 129.

Gender— 5 to 7.

Genitive — (see Case).

Girt— to throw away. Idiomatic use of— in compounds— 195.

Ground-forms of Mundari Tenses — 116 to 119.

Groups of languages— Introd., II.

Habits— Tense used to state— 134

Harmony of vowels in Agglutiimtive^languages— Introd. IV; Gr.,—i and 26
1,2 and 3).

Hinduism— Influence of on the Xholsrian religious and social systems (so®

J "Religion )«

Hindi — to gather . Idiomatic uses of in compounds— 196.

Imperative— (see Ifooc2).

Imperfect Tenses — (see! Tense).

Impersonal construction in Mundari — 129 and— 172 to 180.

Inceptive* formed by ©t6 used as Suffix— 189 and by reduplication of FcrfeOt
Tense— 183.

Inchoatives— (see Incept ives).

Incomplete Past— (see Tense ) .

Inclusive Duals and Plurals— (sc® Number).

Indeterminate Terse— (see Tense).

Indicative— ( see Mood).

Infinitive— ( see Mood).

Infixes in Mundari— (see Objects, Eefiexive Voice, Eeciprocal Voice, Comparmm
of Adjectives under Adjectives and Abstract Nouns,
under Abstraction).

In.trui*»*ialtty denoted by <*-36 [2nd (a)] by &>»•<»<«— 63; Norms of— formed
by the Affix ted — 188.

Instability of Mundari compou nds—Introd XXI, etc.

Interjections— S3, 84
Interrogation— ll (Note I).

Iteratkes— 199*

c6*t»2n&

Judgment— "Definition and description of— Introd., XXXII ;to XXXV.

Juxtapmtion-~ : E unction performed by mere juxtaposition in Mundari compounds
—184. ' ■ -

Kholarian tribes and KLolarian dialects. Int rod., I.

Li — Idiomatic uses of — in compounds— 191.

Legends (Kkolarian) —Introd., XI F.

Lengthening of syllables— in elided Tense-forms— 188 ; used instead of

reduplicat ion — 1 82.

The concept of-— -—as opposed to that of inanimate nature forming the
basis of a far-reaching grammatical distinction in
Mundari— 7.

Locatives— (me Cate).

Manner*™ expressed by leTca and lehate-17, 78 5 by te 37 and 77 ; by no— 78 (6) s
by tab, etc.— 78 (6), 79.

Meant — denoted by te—36 (2nd, a).

Jfooflf— Definition of- — -131. Number of— in Mundari— 131, 138.

Indicative — No characteristic affix— 133.

Imperative— 16$ to 168. ' ; ; ;

Precative , Concessive or Optative —168 to 172.

Conditional— (see Clause).

Motion to and from— (mo Locatives under Case).

Multiplication expressed by sa and daang — 66, 67.

Mania— Meaning of the word in English and in Mundari— Introd., X.

legation— by means of the Particles Tea, bano » nalage — 83; by the transitive
and intransitive use of ha— 175.

JIaminative — (see Case).

Mon*exutene$ denoted hy— band.— Introd,, XLV and Or., 172;— conceived m
distinct from die wider concept of non-entity— Lit rod ^
XLV.

Humbert (grammatical) — 7 to 9.

Inclusive Dual and Plural forms of Personal Pronouns — 12.

■Exclusive —— — — — — — — — 12 .

Idiomatic use cf Lual—S, 9 5— of Plural— % (Remark), and sac Enumer*
ation.

Origin and meaning of Exclusive Plural forms — 22 ; — — of Inclusive Plural

forms— 23 cf Inclusive and Exclusive Duals— 24

to 26.

SumeraU—G& to 70.

Object (Direct and Indirect*)* Definition of, — — Introd., XLTIII (2),

1 i n Organic' languages— XLY III, XLI X-;—ih Munda, i-XLlX, L.

Mmonfor inserting Pronominal Objects "into Mundari Pre i it ate*— Introd.,
L to LI1I ; position and form of Pronominal Objects im
Mundan—JxLiiQi'* XLIX and Qr n 15 [ (3) and 3rd]

■;

*iii cwwiW-

Objects — concluded. / . •

. Mmson fcr preserving original forms in the inserted Objects**— IS *(4th).

Insertion of Pronominal Objects causing phonetic changes in Tense* Suffixes

— 138* m, m ( VIII), 145 (X),' 146, .164

ahead).

Order of words in the Proposition . Functions performed generally by—
Introd XXXV.

■Ownership as distinguished in Mundari from other relations— 70 to 90.

Participles, as distinct from bare Tense forms in Organic languors— XXVJJv

- — -identical with bare Tenseforms in Mundari— XXVII, XXVIIL

* Participial clauses in Mundari — (see Clause),

Parts of Speech in Organic languages— Introd, XVII to XX;— in Mundari—
XX to XXI L

Passive™* [see Voice),

' Past — (see Tense),

Patronymics — Formation of — -94 to 97; as Transitive and Intransitive

Predicates -21 8, 219. ‘ r "

Peri— to fill. Idiomatic use of in compounds— 195.

Perfect — (see Tense) and Formation of Adjectives under Adjectives .

Permissive#** 198.

Fharchi-^to clean. Idiomatic use 6f— in compounds— 195, 196.

Possession — (see Ownership),

Possibility** denoted by Passive Voice — 163.

Postpositions — d efin ition and general functions of 33 ; functions of— in -cm*

noxion with Nouns and Pronouns— 33 to 64 ; function*
of— in connexion with bare Tense forms —(see Clause),
Predication, theory of—Introd^ XXXI II to LIV«

division of Predicates into two categories stated and explained— Introd,

\ ; XI».I to XLIIL

existence, presence , and. possession treated in Mundari as concept*
distinct from the concepts of substance and accident
— XLIVtoXLVI. "

Trandtivgand Intransitive Predicates , meaning at tacked, to. the term
and reason for substituting it for the term Verb— Introd

„ . : . r x*rv (iii). "

1 Pr^resM^dPoUs).

Presence rendered by mend or by an idiomatic use of Nouns, and Adverb# of
* Plac Q^ntred.'i XLIV; XLV and Gr„ 17 2* -113.

Present— (tsee Tense).

Price— denoted by re— 34 (3) ; by red or ren — 38 ; by fe — 37 (c).

Priority — denoted by le (see Anterior Tenses under Tense) ; by U—20B$ %

: c}ii*-20S; by red-*209, ..

Pronouns : their generic function as demonstrative roots— ■Intr.odvJS&'L

Biinpie 'Personal Pronouns: their form, functions and. position^
12 t

Pronouns— concluded* ' ‘ ,- v

Simple Personal Pronouns as Possessive afBxes—0$ (&&)«. t$ WXl

Origin awl meaning of -20 to]26.

Impersonal Pronoun — ; see A and a).

..Emphatic Pronouns: their form, functions atxd position-^ 16». 17*
Reasons for considering them as compound forms— VI to 19*

Definite Demonstrative Pronouns— 2Q to 28*

Indefinite ~ — • to SO*

* -■ Definite Interrogative— Si*

Indefinite Interrogative —————— 31, 32*

Pronunciation — 1 to 5. . ,■

proposition — Definition and explanation of the term-- — In trod* XXXII* M
XXXV* Intr a propositional relations distinct from the abstractions em*»
bodied in Organic Parts of Speech — Introd XXIII and XXX Y.
Method of connoting the relation let ween Subject and Predicate in
Organic languages —Int rod., XXXY to XXXYII ;
— in Mundari, XXXVII to XLVIIL
... Method of comiotxng the relation between Predicates and their Objects
in Organic languages — Introd .» XL VIII, XLIX ; — in
Mundari, XLIX to LIII.

Other inirapropositional relations** Lll to LY.

Unity or simplicity of the Mundari Proposilion^LV, LYL
Co-ordination of complete propositions used to render the so-ealled oratio obit qua
cr Indirect Speech-form — LVI, LYII.

Questions used to make up for deficiency of Eelative Pronouns— 31 (3),— of
Ordinal .Numerals— 67.

Recognition— Various idiomatic constructions used to render the verb to recognise
—193.

Reduplication— Functions of in Mundari — 113 and 182* . '

Reflexive — Voice — (see Voice).

Reflexive Pronouns— \1 (I. N.B.) and 32.

Refusal— expressed by the transitive and intransitive use of ha— 175* ,

Relations — Inirapropositional — (see Proposition ).

time and space — (see Postpositions and Clause}*

Moral— —(see Genitive and Dative under Case)*

Relative Pronouns— 31,82.'

Religion of Mundas, a system 'made tip of three distinct cults — Introd. f VI.
Worship Singlonga — YI (I) to Y1I (II).

Ancesior.worship — YII (II) to X (III)*
local deities or bongako—X (III).

Sacrifice)'# : (I) Pahanr—X (III); (2) head of family— XI ; (3) Ondoka ofr
minister of human sacrifices — XI. XII.
legend On which the worship of local deities is based^Appondix.

The Earam-lcdhani, not a Mundari legend — XI.

Repetition expressed by reduplication— 1 82 ; by or6— Introd^ XXI, XXII*

Roots as distinct from words— Introd., II, III and XYI#

Predicative -* Definition of— —XVI. . ;

fiii

Objects — concluded.

rMectson for preserving original forms in the inserted Object s.~*r—l& (4th).
Insertion of Pronominal Objects causing phonetic changes in Tense- Suffixes
—138, m,m (VPI},145 (X)/ 146, m

a kad).

Order of words in the Proposition . Functions -performed generally By —

Introd., XXXV.

1 Ownership as distinguished in Mundari from other relations— 70 to 90,

Participles . as distinct from bare Tense forms in Organic, la nguw-s— XXYI$y

“ — . identical with hare Tense forms m Mundari— -XX' VII, XXYIIL

~ Participial clauses in Mundari— (see Clause).

Parts of Speech in Organic languages— Introd., XVII to XX;— in Mundari—
XX to XXII.

Passive-~{see Voice)*

Past—( see Tense).

Patronymics— Formation of 91 to 97 ; - — as Transitive md Intransitive

Predicates — 218, 219.

Peri— to fill. Idiomatic use of -in compounds— 195.

Perfect — (see Tense) and Formation of Adjectives under Adjectives ,

Per missives —1 9 8 »

Pharchi-^to clean. Idiomatic use of— in compounds— 195,- 190.

Possession — (see Ownership).

Po5$ibility~~&eiiote& by Passive Yoice — 153.

Postpositions— definition and general functions- of 33 ; functions of— in con*

noxion with Nouns and Pronouns— 33 to 64 ; functions
cf — in connexion with bare Tense forms— (see Clause ).
Predication, theory of— Introd., XXXIII to LIY.

division of Predicates into two categories stated and explained— Introd.

- • JH toXLIIX.

4 nmtence, presence ■ and, possession treated in Mundari as concepts
distinct from the concepts of substance and accident
— XLIV to XLVI.

Trawdtw £ and Intransitive Predicates , meaning attached. to., the term
and reason for substituting it for the term' Yerb— Introd
.,XIY (III).

J P Poofs)*

Presence rendered by mend or by an idiomatic use of Nouns and Adverbs of
"Place-r-J^rod.rXLIV; XLY and<3V., 172* *17&

Present— (see Tense).

Price— denoted by re— 34 (3); by red or ren—S8; by te — 37 (c).

Priority™* denoted by le (see Anterior Tenses under Tense) ; by te—23% • by
i c]ki—20$ i by red-" 209, .. . . ;

Pronouns : their generic function as demon stmtive.roofcs—J^^od4:XYI.

Simple * Personal Pronouns : their form, functions and, positions
*13 to 26,

' ' m

Pronoun*— concluded,* ..

Simple Personal Pronouns as Possessive - affixes— 9$ (3rd)* te |Q& ^ '

Origin and meaning of. -20 to]26.

Impersonal Pronoun— \ see A and a),

JSmphatic Pronouns; then* form, functions and position— *1%
Reasons for considering them as compound -for ms— 17 to 19.

Definite Demonstrative Pronouns— 26 to 28*

Indefinite— , 28 to £0*

p Definite In terrog ative ■ *— » —*—80, 31.

Indefinite Interrogative — —— SI, 32*

Pronunciation — 1 to 5. • . ;

proposition— Definition and explanation of tlie term-- — Introd, XXXIIJ I#
XXXV. Intra propositional relation* distinct from the abstractions ©m*
bodied in Organic Parts of Speech — Introd,, XXIII and XXXV.
Method of connoting the relation between Subject and Predicate w*
Organic languages— Lnt rod., XXXV to XXXVII 5
-in Mundari, XXXVII to XL VIII.

, Method of connoting the relation between Predicates and their Objects
in Organic languages — Introd., XLVIII, XLIX \—%n
Mundari, XLIXioLUL
Other inirapropositional relations— Lll to IdV.

Unity or simplicity of the Mundari Proposition— J aY, LVI.
Co-ordination of complete propositions used to render the so-called oratio ohliqua
cr Indirect Sp:ecli-form — LVI, LVLL

Questions used to mak3 np for deficiency of Eelative Pronouns—* 31 (3),— —of
Ordinal N nmerals — 67.

Recognition— Various idiomatic constructions used to render the verb to recognise
—193.

Reduplication— Functions of in Mundari — 113 and 182.

Reflexive — Voice — (see Voice).

Reflexive Pronouns— VI (!. N.B.) and 32,

Refusal— expressed by the transitive and intransitive use of ka — 176. .

Relations — Intrapropositi onal — (see Proposition ).

— — of time and space — (see Postpositions and Clause)*

Moral (see Genitive and Dative under Case).

Relative Ptonouns—%1, 32.

Religion of Manias, a system ‘made Up of three distinct .cults— Inbred*, YI,
Worship Singbonga — Y I (I) to VII (II).

J. ncesvor*worship —VII (II) toX (III).

Local deities cr longalco—X (III).

Bacri fleers ; (i) Pahanr — X (III); (2) head of family— XI ; (3) Ond&ka <&
minister of human sacrifices — XI. XII.
legend on which the worship of local deities is b as ed-^* Appendix.

The Karam-Jcdhani, not a Mundari legend— XI.

Repetition expressed 'by reduplication— 1 82 ; by ord—Introd*» XXI, XXII. , '
Roots as distinct from words— Introd.f II, III and XVI,

Predimtim—Be^mtion of-^XVI.v': ; ... ..,p

fOOTBNm

%

Moots*™ concluded.

Demonstrative Definition of — XVI.

Bare-root $ contrasted with Baris of Speech — 'XVII to XXXIII.

Sentence-* (see Proposition )»

Sex generally not connoted in Mundari— 5 how connoted ia particular
cases— 7,

Scheme of Cases— 92 to 95 ; 0 / Foices and Tenses— 161.

aSotf J, spirit or shade— ( see Ancestor-worship under Religion ).

Strengthening of initial syllable by the aspirate (h) function attached to it— 10
(Note 1).

Subject — (see Predication and Proposition).

Subordination of secondary to primary elements in Organic languages.— Introd*
II, III ; in Agglutinative languages— III, IV.
Substance— (see Predication ).

Suffixes — Introd., IV.

Tense— Definition of the term bare Tense form — 119.

Functional differences between bare Tense-forms in Organic languages and in
Mundari — 119 to 12 9. -

Formation and functions of the Mundari Tenses — 134 to 152.

Indeterminate — —134.

Simple Future 135 to 137.

Static Future 137.

Anterior Future — -137 to 139.

Definite Present— — 139*

Indefinite 139, 140. • Distinction between—— and Definite— — 140 to 141.

Continuative—l4i3*

Simple Past 143, 144.

Incomplete 144.

Anterior- 145. -

Static 145, 143.

Indefinite 147,

Perfect .146.

Imperfect 149 to 152.

Origin and meaning of Tense- Suffixes— 182 to 166.

Tense forms used as Relative Clauses and as Circumstantial Clauses of Isms,
Place , Manner , etc, (see Clause ).

Terminology (grammatical)— In trod . , LVII, LVIII.

Transitiveness— Definition of— 164 (under Iced and a -had)*

Universal truths*— Tease used to state— (see Indeterminate Tense under Tense)*

Yerh '—De&nition of Organic Verbs— Introd., XVI. No exact counterpart of Verbs
in Mundari— LI' V (III). Comparison of Organic Verb*
with Mundari Transitive and Intransitive Predicate#
(see Conjugation)* .

Tm&lkm&inm €&*e) f

CONTENTS*

xi

Voice — Definition of 130, 131, Formation and functions of—

Active — -133,

. Passive — —1 52.

Eeflexive 165.

1 Reciprocals — 157.

Vowels — (see Alphabet)*

Vowel- changes~~u sed to modify the meaning of roots — 10 (Note 1), 37 (Note),
38 (Note), 158, 354, 163 (hen), 165 (ten).

Witches and wizards***" Abuses connected with the superstitions belief in—
Introd „ XII.

Wards as distinct from, roots— -(see Boots),

L, D, S*